This report scrutinizes revenue and concentration trends in Italian media industries from 2019 to 2021, following the Global Media and Internet Concentration Project (GMICP) blueprint. Twenty-seven industries are categorized into three macro-sectors: Telecommunications and Internet Access, Online and Traditional Media, and Core Internet Applications. Key findings include the Italian network media economy's worth of 47.385 billion EUR in 2021, a 3.5% drop from 2019 due to declines in traditional media, countered by digital industry growth. Wireless remains the largest sector, but core GAFAM and Netflix's influence rises. The Italian media economy, while concentrated, is gradually internationalizing, reflecting global industry integration.

Since its origins in the Fifties, Rai has always paid attention to pedagogical aspects of its offer, consistent with its Catholic inspiration, combining different genres and divulgation approaches. In the first years of its history, Italian public television represented a “second school” for different targets, producing iconic titles in learning and training. A particular branch of educational approach to television content has often been represented by the direct involvement of school groups within the programs, in the logic of game and soft competition oriented to the transmission of knowledge. During the Covid-19 pandemic, with the closure of schools and the deployment of distance teaching, Rai recovered its pivotal role in learning practices through TV programs; in a period marked by an increase of television and audiovisual consumption, Italian public service broadcasting played a distinctive role in diversifying learning opportunities of Italian students and adults.

This chapter presents the results of a research study (September 2017–April 2018) on the production of premium scripted television series over the last ten years (2008–2017) in several Western European countries (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the UK). The chapter maps out this scenario, drawing on both qualitative and quantitative data. It provides first an overview of certain dimensions in each national context: volume (number of titles, numbers of seasons, total hours of original programming), players (channels, broadcasters, production companies, co-producers), and distribution platforms. It then turns to a more detailed analysis of the predominant genres and formats of scripted content in European countries, and of the origins of these products (original intellectual property or adapted, pre-sold property). In the final part of the chapter, we use network analysis to identify collaborative trends among the producers of scripted content. Taking into account the major broadcasters, production companies, and distributors, we examine the key "actors" from a social perspective in each national context, before combining these to consider cross-continental collaborations.

In the last twenty years, the Italian television environment has changed deeply as a result of the digital revolution and the media convergence: the contemporary television is a complex phenomenon encompassing several changes in consumption practices, in textual features and in the industrial strategies of broadcasters. The essay will explore the principals dynamics that characterize the complex relationship between Tv and its audience today: the proliferation of screens and texts, the multiplicity of production and consumption practices, the variety of touchpoints to connect TV content and viewers.

Il libro e il secondo volume della collana Mediascapes, dotata di comitato scientifico e soggetta a referaggio anonimo.

Channels explicitly dedicated to women and focused on lifestyle programming or female scripted contents represent an increasingly relevant phenomenon within contemporary Italian television, as confirmed by their pervasive presence both on free and pay TV and by the progressive rise and consolidation of their ratings. In recent years, the Italian television market has witnessed the launch and consolidation of some multi-channel platforms, which have significantly restructured the market and the entire competitive landscape. This major shift in the domestic television industry reflects a general dynamic characterising the evolution of the television industry throughout Europe into a Multi-TV environment that provides its consumer an extensive possibility of choice2. In this extended setting, one of the most evident strategies conceived by the broadcasters to prevent audience fragmentation is to intercept some audience subdivision through a thematic offer. In this sense, gender-based programming represents a useful strategy, albeit not a completely innovative one. Nowadays channels specifically targeting women constitute a rich and multi-faceted group, whose development dates back to 2004. This was when the channel Fox Life was launched on the Sky satellite pay platform, as a spin-off of the corporate brand Fox (already part of Sky’s bouquet) specifically targeting women. After Fox Life, numerous other female channels were devised, and the switch to digital terrestrial television, fully accomplished in 2012, has increasingly been marked by gendered narrowcasting, profitably practised both by media industries and advertisers. This exponential rise, occurred in the last few years, leads to a number of theoretical and empirical questions over the concept of “television for women”, e.g. the need for a new possible definition of this idea, rekindling a debate in Italy extensively flamed abroad3. Therefore, this paper aims at mapping how the female gender is used in the con-