In this technical note, we present one of the main empirical legacies of the research on the electoral campaign of candidates for Federal Deputy in the state of Rio de Janeiro during the free time granted by the government for electoral propaganda ( Hor & aacute;rio Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral - HGPE) from 1998 to 2018. The aim is to introduce and describe the process of data collection for this database, the procedures used over time for the systematization of information, and the potential uses of two databases linked to the research: the first analyzes the electoral programs recorded during the period and the second the unit of analysis is the individual candidates, coding the time (in seconds) of appearance in the HGPE, the electoral performance of the candidates (votes and final result), campaign financing, and other political, social, and demographic characteristics. The database includes 9,433 electoral programs broadcasted in the evening, in which 1,774 candidates participated.

Resumo Nesta nota técnica apresentamos um dos principais legados empíricos da pesquisa sobre propaganda das candidatas/dos candidatos a Deputado Federal do Estado do Rio de Janeiro no Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) no período de 1998 a 2018. Trata-se de introduzir e descrever o processo de coleta dessa base de dados, os procedimentos utilizados ao longo do tempo para a sistematização das informações e os possíveis usos de dois bancos de dados vinculados à pesquisa: o primeiro possui como unidade de análise os programas eleitorais gravados no período; e, o segundo, possui como unidade de análise os/as candidatos/candidatas, contabilizando o tempo (em segundos) de aparição no HGPE; desempenho eleitoral de cada candidata/candidato (votos e resultado final); financiamento de campanha e outras características políticas, sociais e demográficas. O banco apresentado abarca nada menos do que 9.433 programas eleitorais gravados à noite, dos quais participaram 1.774 candidatos/candidatas.

ABSTRACT Introduction The metabolic syndrome is characterized by multiple disorders, and the in periodontitis, inflammation occurs in the tissues supporting the tooth, where in this process it is believed that the migration of oral bacteria and byproducts to the circulatory system occurs, with a systemic spread of inflammatory mediators. This study aims to verify the effect of periodontitis on the occurrence of the metabolic syndrome. Method Cross-sectional study with 90 users of the Family Health Unit from Vale do Cambonas in Salvador-BA. Questionnaires were applied, physical / anthropometric and dental evaluation were performed, record of the results of laboratory tests was registered and evaluation of medical records. Data analysis A bivariate and stratified analysis was performed, obtaining means and standard deviation for continuous variables, absolute and relative frequency for all variables, and multiple conditional logistic regression was performed to obtain the final model adjusted for potential confounders. Results In the final sample 46,67% of participants had metabolic syndrome according NECP-ATP III criterion and 30, 00% had periodontitis. From those, 20.00% had severe periodontitis, 10% moderate periodontitis and none with mild periodontitis, according to the criterion proposed by Gomes-Filho et al. (2018). There was statistical significance in the association between periodontitis and MetS ( ORcrude = 2.58, 95% CI [1.02 - 6.55]) / ( ORadjusted = 2.63, 95% CI [1.01 - 6.80]) and severe periodontitis and MetS ( ORcrude = 3.86, 95% CI [1.24 - 11.98]) / ( ORadjusted = 4.14, 95% CI [1.29-13.29]). Conclusion The main findings of this study indicate a positive association between periodontitis and metabolic syndrome, with a higher effect when the exposure was severe periodontitis.

Abstract Background Interprofessionality is a tool for optimizing the human resources available towards the consolidation of a resolutive healthcare. However, applying it is a challenge due to the fragmented training of health professionals. Objective to describe the experience of planning and executing an interprofessional health education activity. Methods An educational workshop was developed aiming at interprofessional health practice. A clinical case was distributed, which addressed the story of an elderly person who suffered a stroke and lived with the sequels of this episode in addition to emotional trauma from the experience. Each professional was asked to define a therapeutic proposal for the case and one of them was invited to present his proposal and complement it based on the suggestions of the other members. Results the workshop enabled the perception that, in isolation, no profession would be able to fully contemplate the patient's needs. Therefore, it encouraged the use of integrated action between different professionals by demonstrating that punctual and disjointed actions would not be sufficient to act effectively in the care and needs related to the individual's health. Conclusions the final product of this workshop resulted in a consistent activity contemplated by multiple perspectives, experiences and knowledges which would not be so successful if planned in isolation by a single professional group. Key messages Due to its low cost, interprofessional action responds to the new health needs of contemporary times and its implementation is of great value in combating the fragmented trend in health training. The interprofessional view is a common ground to health not only where the study took place but worldwide, consolidating itself as a valuable asset to the construction of integral healthcare.

To study the efficacy and safety of a specific first line antiretroviral (ART) regimen composed of tenofovir (TDF), lamivudine (3TC) and efavirenz (EFV), which was used until recently as the preferred first line treatment for adults in Brazil and is still amongst the recommended by the World Health Organization. In April, 2017, we conducted a systematic search of the literature in MEDLINE via Pubmed, Cochrane CENTRAL, EMBASE and Lilacs for cohorts that reported on toxicity or CD4 lymphocyte count or viral load among HIV-1 infected adults on first line ART. Only reports on naïve patients were considered. One arm of treatment must have consisted of TDF+3TC+EFV. Our search yielded 441 abstracts, of which 36 registries were read in full, resulting in 5 papers that met all eligibility criterion. The cohorts included comprised 7275 patients mostly from African countries. The most frequent backbone comparators were zidovudine+lamivudine and stavudine+lamivudine, and as for 3º agents, nevirapine and ritonavir boosted lopinavir were most common. The average follow-up was 1 year from the start of treatment. The median age at treatment initiation was 43.6 years and the median CD4 count at baseline was 179.6 cells/mm3. Only one study disclosed effects on viral load, just as only another one reported on CD4 final count. Regarding toxicity, adverse events associated to efavirenz were reported in 4 of 5 studies, mainly associated to the central nervous system and rash. Zidovudine based regimens appear to be safer compared to tenofovir based treatment. Recently, the preferred first line regimen in Brazil traded the 3º agent efavirenz to dolutegravir, which appears to be wise, considering the adverse events associated to the former. Nonetheless, efavirenz is still widely used. It is difficult to study the efficacy and safety of one regimen specifically, however, it is of importance in order to optimize therapy.

RESUMO O artigo discute a recente crise politica brasileira. A crise reabriu o debate institucional, levando um retorno as teses que veem na combinacao entre presidencialismo e multipartidarismo a raiz de todas as crises politicas experimentadas pelo pais. O artigo critica essa interpretacao, retomando a producao academica dos ultimos anos que aponta para a capacidade do sistema brasileiro em produzir decisoes. Como conclusao, o artigo chama atencao para a importância das estrategias politicas na conformacao da crise politica atual.

Este artigo é uma resenha da literatura sobre o Executivo que discute o impacto dos sistemas parlamentarista e presidencialista na capacidade governamental de formular e implementar políticas públicas. Ao longo do texto, busca-se identificar fatores que permitem ou bloqueiam o exercício de uma função coordenadora e unificadora de ações, analisando a relação entre os poderes Executivo e Legislativo, a estrutura do poder Executivo e as relações entre o Executivo político e a burocracia. Os estudos sobre parlamentarismo enfocam: importância dos partidos, papel dos ministros, extensão do poder do primeiro ministro e papel coletivo do gabinete. Já os trabalhos sobre presidencialismo vão de pesquisas sobre o Congresso norte-americano, envolvendo inferências estatísticas e análises baseadas na teoria institucional a estudos de caso sobre a American Politics (presidência e liderança). Apesar das diferenças entre parlamentarismo e presidencialismo, a literatura indica que mecanismos institucionais de controle de agenda produzem os mesmos efeitos nos dois sistemas.

The literature on parliamentarization of presidential regimes in Latin America focuses mainly on the approximation between the two in terms of government termination. It emphasizes the more frequent removal of presidents before the end of their mandates, thus bridging a basic institutional difference between the two systems. In this paper I focus on the relation between the executive and the legislature in the process of governing. The paper draws on the Brazilian experience to argue that the idea of parliamentarization of presidential systems may make more sense in terms of specific institutions adopted by the latter and the politics of government formation and lawmaking. Paper for presentation at the workshop “The Importance of Constitutions: Parliamentarism, Representation and Voting Rights”, Istanbul, October 23-25, 2013.

La vision selon laquelle les gouvernements minoritaires sont des anomalies dans le systeme parlementaire a été abandonnées depuis un certain temps. Dans les systemes présidentialistes, toutefois, les gouvernements minoritaires sont encore considérés comme problématiques, spécialement quand s'y ajoutent des pouvoirs dont llagenda est détenu de façon unilatérale par le président. Cet article analyse la formation de gouvernements (ou de cabinets) définis selon la logique des partis qui y sont inclus et non selon ce pour quoi le président a été mandaté. 11 concerne 14 pays latino-américains surune période qui va de 1979 a 2011. Nous avons testé plusieurs hypotheses concernant l'impact de facteurs institutionnels et politiques sur la formation de gouvernements minoritaires. Les données obtenues contredisent les prédictions dérivées de théories en vigueur. Nous avons démontré en particulier que la probabilité de gouvernements minoritaires s'accrolt en fonction de la force du pouvoir de veto du président. Nous avons aussi démontré que les pouvoirs de l'agenda du président et la fragmentation des partis a un effet négatif sur la formation de gouvernements minoritaires.

The vision that minority governments are anomalies in parliamentary systems has been long abandoned. In presidential systems, however, minority governments are still seen as problematic, especially when combined with unilateral powers of the president. This paper analyzes government formation in an original sample of 14 Latin American countries between 1979 and 2011, including coalitional changes in the same presidential term. Based on 287 observations, we test some current hypotheses about the political and institutional determinants of minority governments. Unlike the predictions of some theories, the results show that the main factors that increase the probability of formation of minority governments are the veto power of the president, low parliamentary fragmentation and the existence of few agenda setting powers by the president.

Während der ersten Dekade nach Inkrafttreten der brasilianischen Verfassung von 1988 hat sich in der Fachliteratur eine negative Sicht der Funktionalität des brasilianischen politischen Systems etabliert. Die Ursachen hierfür werden vorrangig in den institutionellen Weichenstellungen der verfassungsgebenden Versammlung gesehen. Die Weiterführung der grundlegenden institutionellen Entscheidungen der Verfassung von 1946, vor allem die Beibehaltung des Präsidialsystems mit der proportionalen Repräsentation offener Listen mache das Land unregierbar. Der erwartete Konflikt zwischen Exekutive und Legislative, der für Präsidialsysteme charakteristisch ist, würde durch die Fragmentierung des Parteiensystems (aufgrund der proportionalen Vertretung im Kongress) noch verstärkt. Hinzu kämen die geringe Parteidisziplin und die Konkurrenz innerhalb der Parteien als Konsequenz der offenen Listen (Mainwaring 1993, Lamounier 1994, Ames 2000).

A enciclopédia online Wikipedia define "coalizão governamental" como "um gabinete de um governo parlamentarista, no qual diversos partidos cooperam.A razão comum conferida a esse tipo de arranjo é que nenhum partido consegue atingir, por conta própria, uma maioria no parlamento" (ênfase nossa).Até muito recentemente, essa visão do senso comum predominou nos círculos acadêmicos.Estudos sobre coalizões governamentais se restringiam a países com sistema parlamentarista, e a literatura comparada partia da premissa de que presidentes não teriam incentivos para formá-las, pois possuem mandatos fixos e independentes do Poder Legislativo.A suposição segundo a qual coalizões governamentais são peculiares ao sistema parlamentarista foi, no entanto, demolida tanto empírica como teoricamente 1 .Coalizões governamentais ocorrem em 53,

As pontas de pulverização são responsáveis pela formação das gotas, e cada ponta apresenta características próprias relacionadas ao espectro de gotas e perfil de deposição, específicas para determinados alvos. Este trabalho teve o objetivo de caracterizar o diâmetro e a uniformidade das gotas e o perfil de distribuição volumétrica das pontas de pulverização AI 110015 e TTI 110015, bem como seu efeito sobre a mortalidade de corda-de-viola, com herbicida pré-emergente, associado ou não a adjuvantes. Avaliou-se o número de plantas emergidas e os pesos secos da parte aérea e radicular das plantas. Os perfis de distribuição volumétrica para a altura de 40 cm foram avaliados em mesa de deposição. A partir dos perfis de distribuição, simulou-se o padrão de deposição ao longo da barra de pulverização. O espectro do diâmetro de gotas foi determinado em analisador de tamanho de partículas por difração de luz laser . O herbicida diuron + hexazinona foi eficiente no controle em préemergência de corda-de-viola, podendo ser utilizado polimetil siloxano organomodificado ou óleo mineral como adjuvantes, associados às pontas de pulverização AI 110015 ou TTI 110015. O uso de adjuvantes proporcionou aumento no diâmetro mediano volumétrico e redução na porcentagem de gotas com diâmetro inferior a 100 µm. O espaçamento sugerido entre os bicos na barra de pulverização foi de 70 cm para o modelo AI 110015 e 80 cm para o modelo TTI 110015.

As pontas de pulverização são responsáveis pela formação das gotas, e cada ponta apresenta características próprias relacionadas ao espectro de gotas e perfil de deposição, específicas para determinados alvos. Este trabalho teve o objetivo de caracterizar o diâmetro e a uniformidade das gotas e o perfil de distribuição volumétrica das pontas de pulverização AI 110015 e TTI 110015, bem como seu efeito sobre a mortalidade de corda-de-viola, com herbicida pré-emergente, associado ou não a adjuvantes. Avaliou-se o número de plantas emergidas e os pesos secos da parte aérea e radicular das plantas. Os perfis de distribuição volumétrica para a altura de 40 cm foram avaliados em mesa de deposição. A partir dos perfis de distribuição, simulou-se o padrão de deposição ao longo da barra de pulverização. O espectro do diâmetro de gotas foi determinado em analisador de tamanho de partículas por difração de luz laser . O herbicida diuron + hexazinona foi eficiente no controle em préemergência de corda-de-viola, podendo ser utilizado polimetil siloxano organomodificado ou óleo mineral como adjuvantes, associados às pontas de pulverização AI 110015 ou TTI 110015. O uso de adjuvantes proporcionou aumento no diâmetro mediano volumétrico e redução na porcentagem de gotas com diâmetro inferior a 100 µm. O espaçamento sugerido entre os bicos na barra de pulverização foi de 70 cm para o modelo AI 110015 e 80 cm para o modelo TTI 110015.Nozzles are responsible for the formation of drops, with each side presenting its own characteristics related to droplet deposition spectrum and profile specific to certain targets. This study aimed to characterize the diameter and uniformity of the droplets and volumetric distribution profile of nozzles AI 110015 and 110015 TTI, as well as their effect on the mortality of scarlet morningglory, using pre-emergent herbicide, alone or combined with adjuvants. The number of emerging plants and dry weight of shoot and root growth were evaluated. Volumetric distribution profiles for a 40cm height were evaluated in a table deposition. Based on the distribution profiles, a deposition pattern was simulated along the spray boom. Droplet diameter spectrum was determined in a particle size analyzer by laser light diffraction. The herbicide mixture diuron + hexazinone was effective in controlling pre-emergence scarlet morningglory, and organo-modified polymethyl siloxane or mineral oil may be used as adjuvants, in association with nozzles AI 110015 or 110015 TTI. The use of adjuvants allowed the increase in volume median diameter and reduction in the percentage of droplets with diameter below 100 micrometers. The suggested spacing between nozzles on the spray bar was 70 cm for AI 110015 and 80 cm for the TTI 110015.

This article examines the relative importance of regional and national forces in shaping the behavior of Brazilian legislators at the national level. A widely held view is that national legislators respond to state pressures in making decisions, rather than pressures from the national government. Governors not only can influence national debates but also can determine outcomes by exerting control over their states' legislative delegations. This article examines a dataset of all roll-call votes in the Chamber of Deputies between 1989 and 2006 to isolate and evaluate the impact of local pressures on legislative voting. Spanning the terms of five presidents and five different congresses, the data show that the local influence is weaker than the national on the voting decisions of individual legislators and the voting cohesion of state delegations. Alternative institutional resources allow the central government to counteract the centrifugal pressures of federalism and other institutional influences.

fails, the government falls.In presidential systems, on the contrary, given the president's fixed term, legislative success depends on various dimensions of the process that follows the inauguration of the president, including the formation of coalition governments.The legislative success of the executive in presidential systems varies greatly, as shown by the sample of countries covered here.The yearly average of presidential bills enacted ranges from zero, as in Colombia, to 98.8%, as in Mexico.On the other hand, Latin American presidential countries also vary greatly as to their institutional framework and to the political conditions under which governments rule.Therefore, they make up an exceptional array of cases to compare.This research note is divided into three sections.In the next section, we trace an overall picture of presidential governments in the region from 1979 to 2006.In the third section, we describe the variables, present the hypotheses and discuss the results of a multivariate analysis of the executive's legislative success. Latin american Presidential GovernmentDespite some attempts to single out a Latin American model of presidentialism, the political and institutional diversity in government organization among the continent's countries recommends caution in generalizing.This is transparent in our sample of twelve countries for the period 1979-2006.The sample includes all South American countries except Peru and the Guyanas, two countries in Central America (Costa Rica and Panama) and Mexico.Considering the period covered, we work with 200 year-country observations.The details are laid out in Table 1, which distinguishes between three sets of countries according to the type of government they experienced during the period analysed: oneparty, coalition or both.It is worth noting that we do not consider only the first coalition formed at the beginning of a president's term, but all coalition reshuffles by the same president.The duration of governments therefore does not necessarily coincide with the president's term.In order to identify the beginning and end of the coalitions, we employed the same criteria to define the making and breaking of governments in parliamentary systems, namely: "1) any changes in the set of parties holding cabinet membership; 2) any change in the identity of the prime minister [or the president]; and 3) any general election, whether mandated by the end of the constitutional inter-election period, or precipitated by a premature dissolution of parliament" (Müller and Strom 2000, 12).These criteria are sufficiently general to be applicable to the formation of and changes in governments in the presidential system, with slight modifications that do not affect comparability with parliamentary countries.