This article analyzes the contested and multiple meanings of "heritage" that emerge for advanced Arabic language learners in a postcolonial France. A linguistic life histories approach reveals a fraught duality of privileged access and exclusionary adversity for heritage students of Arabic. We analyze three university students' politicized subject positions relative to a postcolonial French heritage landscape in which Arabic language study is marked by cultural, racialized, religious, and linguistic differentiation. We argue that while Arabic language learning in France can accurately be described as a highly valued, widely practiced endeavor, it is also virulently stigmatized and marginalized to the point of cultural erasure. In our analysis, we claim that this apparent contradiction is not merely due to the association of Arabic language with North African migrants from previous French colonies, but rather to a contemporary postcolonial semiotic framing of Arabic. Instead of a neo-liberal framing of Arabic that is more typical of North American educational contexts, Arabic is either lauded as part of French (post-)colonial patrimoine ("heritage") or, more often, degraded as "separatist" heritage or communautarisme ("communalism").
This article analyzes how congregants in a lay-led Reconstructionist synagogue discursively contest and perform sharedness through active engagement, interpretation, and public disagreements about how to create and sustain Jewish community. I argue that such ‘wrestling with tradition’—that is, questioning, negotiating, and (re)creating traditions in the context of countercultural and eclectic Jewish community—is achieved through collaborative and often conflictual discursive engagement with Jewish tradition. ‘Wrestling with tradition’ does not involve shared beliefs, shared Halakhah (Jewish laws and rituals), or even a shared spiritual practice. Instead, it is in the discursive ‘wrestling’—for example, in debating rather than necessarily following Halakhah—that a communal enactment of sharedness persists in affective and intellectual engagement with Jewish tradition.
In this introduction, we bring together diverse anthropological considerations of community, belonging, and belief to argue for a reconsideration of the notion of 'sharedness' that often underlies these concepts. Scholars have long critiqued the use of 'community' for its broad application and vagueness, and most now recognize communities to be newly emerging rather than pre-existing. Despite this critical approach to scholarly uses of 'community', forms of unity often continue to be viewed as undergirded by a seemingly more self-evident idea of sharedness, in practice, belief or purpose. In this special section, we question this self-evidency to focus on how sharedness itself needs to be discursively and semiotically co-constructed and fostered by people who imagine themselves as belonging to communities of apparent mixed beliefs and practices. We propose that a focus on discourse and semiosis can provide insights into the innovative ways in which individuals negotiate, co-construct, and enact sharedness.
This article analyzes how congregants in a lay-led Reconstructionist synagogue discursively contest and perform sharedness through active engagement, inter pretation, and public disagreements about how to create and sustain Jewish community. I argue that such 'wrestling with tradition'-that is, questioning, negotiating, and (re)creating traditions in the context of countercultural and eclectic Jewish community-is achieved through collaborative and often conflictual discursive engagement with Jewish tradition. 'Wrestling with tradition' does not involve shared beliefs, shared Halak hah (Jewish laws and rituals), or even a shared spiritual practice. Instead, it is in the discursive 'wrestling'-for example, in debating rather than necessarily following Halak hah-that a communal enactment of sharedness persists in affective and intellectual engagement with Jewish tradition.
Journal of Linguistic AnthropologyVolume 30, Issue 3 p. 442-444 Book Review The Politics of Arabic in Israel: A Sociolinguistic Analysis. Suleiman, Camelia. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2018. x + 230 pp. Chantal Tetreault, Chantal Tetreault tetreau7@msu.edu Michigan State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author Chantal Tetreault, Chantal Tetreault tetreau7@msu.edu Michigan State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 28 June 2020 https://doi.org/10.1111/jola.12271Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume30, Issue3December 2020Pages 442-444 RelatedInformation
Linguistic anthropology only began taking serious notice of youth language starting in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Despite the fact that a youth focus developed fairly recently in the field, linguistic anthropology has wholeheartedly embraced the study of youth and youth language. Scholars have noted that youth language seems to make particularly visible the emergent aspects of language and identity; research on youth language has especially highlighted gender and racialization. Youth language research has more recently enlarged its scope and influence beyond social identity construction to include large‐scale social processes such as migration, citizenship, and globalization.
This paper considers Sherzer's Discourse‐Centered Approach with respect to language and cultural change within Arab immigrant‐heritage communities in France. Using data pertaining to an Arabic politeness formula, I apply Sherzer's model to situations of grammatical creativity across generations of speakers. I argue that Sherzer's model can enhance our understandings of how speakers living in diaspora transform “traditional” or codified linguistic forms to create reflexive cultural meanings that link and distinguish generations of speakers. Specifically, French‐born, French‐speaking adolescents transform the Arabic speech act Hashek, that their immigration parents use as a term of “formal politeness,” into a means of facilitating face‐threatening acts for their peer group. In so doing, they actively negotiate a set of shifting stances that involves their complicated positioning between teenaged irreverence and cultural continuity. The grammatical creativity of such speech play illustrates the applicability of Sherzer's model for discourse as the nexus of language and culture to contexts of social change.
A mixed methods (quantitative and qualitative) design was used to explore the experiences of Muslim women moving to the United States from countries where either Islam is a dominant religion or Muslims comprise a majority of the population.Participants completed established scales measuring both psychosocial adjustment and various dimensions of spirituality.In addition, participants completed a biographic interview which assessed women's sentiments about moving to the United States, their perceptions of treatment in traveling to or once arrived in the U.S., and how newly formed relationships were perceived to have affected participants' intrapersonal, social, and spiritual experience.The contact hypoth-
Muslim women, especially those wearing headscarves or hijab, are targets of anti-Muslim stereotypical rhetoric and violent attacks in the United States, with expected adverse effects on their mental wellbeing. This pilot research examines Muslim religious practice related to frequency of Islamophobic experiences, socio-emotional/mental distress, and coping strategies among American Muslim women since the 2016 American presidential election. This is a mixed methods study surveying adult Muslim women (n=35) living in the United States. Quantitative analyses included overall frequency and percent differences in various experiences for Muslim American women who always wear hijab (n=22) compared to those that do not always wear hijab (n=13). Qualitative data analyzed were derived from a focus group and from essays by survey respondents. All respondents (100%) reported a perceived increase in Islamophobia since the presidential election, and 26.5% (n=9) of respondents reported altering their religious practice as a result of the political climate since the 2016. Places/situations associated with greatest perceived vulnerability included: airports (74.3%), airplanes (45.7%), public bus (28.5%), driving (28.5%), and shopping malls (28.5%). Places/situations associated with high vulnerability in Muslim women was similar by hijab status with the exception of higher vulnerability for hijab-wearing (40.9%) vs. non-hijab wearing women in public bus transportation (P-value = 0.04). Experience of personal direct anti-Muslim aggression, i.e., violent words and actions, occurred more frequently (50%, n = 11) among women who report always wearing hijab compared to non-always hijab-wearing respondents (38.5%, N=5). Likewise, self-reported experience of fear over the past year was elevated (54.6% vs. 15.4%, P-value = 0.02) for hijab-wearing compared with non-hijab-wearing women. On the other hand, respondents' experiences of anxiety (59.1% vs. 61.5% P-value = 0.89) and lack of safety (36.4% vs. 53.8% P-value = 0.31) over the past year was comparable for hijab wearing vs. non-hijab wearing women. Hijab-wearing women report more direct anti-Muslim aggression, experiencing more fear in general and feeling unsafe in more places than non-hijab-wearing women. That said, women's experiences of a post-election U.S. political climate were not as divergent as we had expected, regardless of hijab status. Rather, anxiety about Islamophobia and experiencing a lack of safety by Muslim women are generalized experiences in a post-election moment in the United States. More research will be needed to know whether our participants' responses reflected their immediate reaction to the election or a more long-term coping mechanism for the heightened visibility that Muslim women face in current American political rhetoric and foreign policy.
This article addresses how F rench teenagers of North A frican (primarily A lgerian) descent transform the A rabic speech act H ashek through their nontraditional and innovative uses. In F rench language interactions that involved adversarial teasing or public criticism of a peer, A rab F rench teenagers used the politeness formula H ashek as a self‐corrective to simultaneously facilitate and mitigate such irreverent behavior. In addition, teenagers used H ashek as an other‐corrective in order to publicly mark peers as inappropriate or rude. Thus both usages of the term (self‐ and other‐corrective) aid teenagers in achieving impolite, nondeferential speech. In using H ashek to accomplish impolite speech, F rench‐speaking teenagers of North A frican background transform this traditional A rabic linguistic practice to suit the face‐needs of their adolescent peer group in F rance, while remaining in conversation with North A frican interactional rituals and cultural norms.
PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology ReviewVolume 37, Issue 1 p. 181-183 BOOK REVIEW Can Islam Be French? Pluralism and Pragmatism in a Secularist State , John R. Bowen (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010) Chantal Tetreault, Chantal Tetreault Michigan State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author Chantal Tetreault, Chantal Tetreault Michigan State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 30 April 2014 https://doi.org/10.1111/plar.12057Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume37, Issue1May 2014Pages 181-183 RelatedInformation
This article addresses discourse among French teenagers of pan-immigrant, peripheral, and specifically southern descent that evokes the widely circulating spatial concept called le bled, a French word of Arabic origin. Drawing upon theories of cultural citizenship, this paper explores the connections that teens broker through le bled in two, divergent discourses that link French citizenship with modernity and race. The first discourse is one that conceptualizes le bled as less modern than France, which is ultimately a racially exclusive model of French citizenship because it typically treats le bled as a racialized and inferior place. The second discourse involves the conceptualization of France as a modern and racially inclusive place, seeking to assimilate people from various places (even though in reality, many of these policies that claim inclusiveness are exclusive). (C) 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
This article shows that emergent meanings of impoliteness and insult in interaction are central to communicative exchanges among French adolescents of Algerian descent living in acité, or low‐income housing project. In the speech event “parental name calling” nonpolite interactions are routinely interpreted as politic or appropriate by adolescents. Yet these performances of conflict are not without risk. The potential slippage between ritual and personal insult is always present in parental name calling, an ambiguity that allows adolescents to achieve two seemingly contradictory but highly valued interactional goals: the vindication of a parent's “respect” and illicit, disrespectful play. [conflict, collaboration, names, adolescence, immigration, North Africa, France]
This article addresses data that reside at the confluence of three types of linguistic "crossing" (Rampton 1995) among working-class French teens of predominantly Algerian descent. Strategically using the microphone of the researcher to imitate an elite French television show host, performers create indirect reported speech and direct stylized voicing for present peers and thereby mock them as show "guests." Through analysis of such data, this article contributes to scholarship that extends and refines Goffman's notions of footing and participation frameworks, and the relationships imaginable between them. It is argued that the notions of noncongruent voicing effects and generalized footing can lead to a more sophisticated understanding of the relationship between language crossing and participation frameworks. More specifically, analyzing language crossing in terms of the resultant voicing effects sheds light upon the nuanced ways that speakers manage participation frameworks.
This article explores how ideologies derived from North African culture are transformed in local expressions of identity among Muslim French adolescents. Naturally-occurring interactional data were collected among adolescents of primarily Algerian descent living in a cité (a low-income housing project) outside Paris. The study shows that the local identity practices of Muslim French teens articulate with transcultural ideologies of identity, but in contradictory rather than wholly consistent ways. Specifically, teens in the study circulate seemingly static cultural ideologies pertaining to generation, gender, and sexuality, but also routinely challenge these ideologies in interactions with their peers. Through the innovative interactional genre of “parental name calling,” adolescents articulate their ambivalent relationship to the North African-derived cultural value they call le respect (‘respect’). In the process, they negotiate their own beliefs and practices regarding generation, gender, and sexuality in accommodation and opposition to their parents’ values.
Dominant French discourses stigmatize la racaille (‘male street toughs’) in a national moral panic about cités (‘subsidized housing projects’). This paper examines how these discourses influence everyday talk and experiences of public space in Chemin de l’Ile, a cité west of Paris. In both national and local discourses, la racaille symbolizes stigmatized public spaces, particularly la rue (‘the street’). However, inhabitants in Chemin de l’Ile mobilize the symbol of la racaille to evoke a set of moralizing discourses that are inflected with cultural, gendered, and generational prescriptions. Specifically, la racaille is constructed as morally threatening to culturally respectful spaces, such as Muslim weddings, and the respect of certain persons including adolescent girls. Adolescent girls’ own perspectives are analyzed to show that through narratives about la racaille they elaborate and resist normative prescriptions for gendered uses of public space in their cité.
The study of adolescence in language and culture research has undergone a profound transformation: as Bucholtz (2002) notes, the peer group has replaced adulthood as the standard by which to measure teen culture. This shift has resulted in considerable scholarship on how peer groups influence communicative practices during adolescence. Yet relatively little is known about how peer groups influence communicative practices at the onset of adulthood. Eckert (2003) claims that researchers should apply knowledge from language and youth research to adulthood in order to understand how the peer group functions in life stages beyond adolescence. We might then understand whether identity construction, language, and peer groups function together differently in later life.