This study investigates systematically the emergence and establishment of geminate consonants as a phonological class in the Celtic branch of Indo-European. The approach of this study is comparative historical linguistics, drawing on diachronic structuralism combined with aspects of language contact studies and functional approaches to language usage. This study traces the development of geminates from Proto-Indo-European (fourth millennium B.C.), which did not allow geminate consonants, to the Common Celtic period (first millennium B.C.), when almost every consonant could occur as a singleton or as a geminate, and on to the earliest attested stages of the Insular Celtic languages (first millennium A.D.). Although they were prominent in the phonology of Proto- and Ancient Celtic (Gaulish, Celtiberian), ultimately geminates were gotten rid of as a phonological class in the individual Insular Celtic languages. This is probably due to the fact that the contrast between lenited and unlenited sounds took on a central role in Insular Celtic phonology, making gemination a phonetically redundant category. Most instances of geminate consonants in Celtic can be explained by regular sound change operating on inherited clusters of consonants. Each sound change will be discussed in a separate section in a rough chronological order. Effectively, gemination is largely a strategy to reduce the number of allowed consonant combinations. To a limited degree, gemination also had a morphological function, especially in the formation of personal names and in the creation of adjectival neologisms. However, there is a residue of words, especially nouns, in the Insular Celtic languages that defy any attempt at etymologising. They are prime suspects of having been borrowed from prehistoric, substratal languages.
This study investigates systematically the emergence and establishment of geminate consonants as a phonological class in the Celtic branch of Indo-European. The approach of this study is comparative historical linguistics, drawing on diachronic structuralism combined with aspects of language contact studies and functional approaches to language usage. This study traces the development of geminates from Proto-Indo-European (fourth millennium B.C.), which did not allow geminate consonants, to the Common Celtic period (first millennium B.C.), when almost every consonant could occur as a singleton or as a geminate, and on to the earliest attested stages of the Insular Celtic languages (first millennium A.D.). Although they were prominent in the phonology of Proto- and Ancient Celtic (Gaulish, Celtiberian), ultimately geminates were gotten rid of as a phonological class in the individual Insular Celtic languages. This is probably due to the fact that the contrast between lenited and unlenited sounds took on a central role in Insular Celtic phonology, making gemination a phonetically redundant category. Most instances of geminate consonants in Celtic can be explained by regular sound change operating on inherited clusters of consonants. Each sound change will be discussed in a separate section in a rough chronological order. Effectively, gemination is largely a strategy to reduce the number of allowed consonant combinations. To a limited degree, gemination also had a morphological function, especially in the formation of personal names and in the creation of adjectival neologisms. However, there is a residue of words, especially nouns, in the Insular Celtic languages that defy any attempt at etymologising. They are prime suspects of having been borrowed from prehistoric, substratal languages.
Even though the publication of Johann Kaspar Zeuss's monumental Grammatica Celtica (Zeuss 1853) marks the beginning of the modern, scientific study of the Old Irish language, short excerpts of the most important textual witnesses of Old Irish, the so-called Old Irish glosses, preserved in 8th-9th-century manuscripts on the European Continent, had appeared in print since the early 18th century. This article gives an overview of these early publications from the 18th and early 19th century by Johann Georg von Eckhart, Domenico Vallarsi, Lodovico Antonio Muratori, and Vittorio Amedeo Peyron, and assesses their role as early trailblazers in the study of Old Irish.
This study investigates systematically the emergence and establishment of geminate consonants as a phonological class in the Celtic branch of Indo-European. The approach of this study is comparative historical linguistics, drawing on diachronic structuralism combined with aspects of language contact studies and functional approaches to language usage. This study traces the development of geminates from Proto-Indo-European (fourth millennium b.c.), which did not allow geminate consonants, to the Common Celtic period (first millennium b.c.), when almost every consonant could occur as a singleton or as a geminate, and on to the earliest attested stages of the Insular Celtic languages (1st millennium a.d.). Although they were prominent in the phonology of Proto- and Ancient Celtic (Gaulish, Celtiberian), ultimately geminates were gotten rid of as a phonological class in the individual Insular Celtic languages. This is probably due to the fact that the contrast between lenited and unlenited sounds took on a central role in Insular Celtic phonology, making gemination a redundant category. Most instances of geminate consonants in Celtic can be explained by regular sound change operating on inherited clusters of consonants. Each sound change will be discussed in a separate section in a rough chronological order. Effectively, gemination is largely a strategy to reduce the number of allowed consonant combinations. To a limited degree, gemination also had a morphological function, especially in the formation of personal names and in the creation of adjectival neologisms. However, there is a residue of words, especially nouns, in the Insular Celtic languages that defy any attempt at etymologising. They are prime suspects of having been borrowed from prehistoric, substratal languages.
The aim of this chapter is to establish the semantic field of maritime vocabulary of the Celtic languages, especially that part of the maritime vocabulary that can be reconstructed for Proto-Celtic, the common ancestor of all Celtic languages, and for the prehistoric stages of the Insular Celtic languages. The approach taken in this study is to analyse the relevant lexemes etymologically, and to assess the findings from the point of view of linguistic archaeology. Linguistic archaeology seeks to extract as much information as possible from the synchronic and diachronically reconstructable semantics and morphology of words in order to make inferences about the environment and living conditions of the language’s speakers from a prehistoric and early historic perspective. Maritime vocabulary, which is the focus of this study, includes all elements of the lexicon that refer to the topographical, biological, and economic environment of the sea and the shore, and to human interaction with them.
This article introduces Corpus PalaeoHibernicum (CorPH), a corpus currently consisting of 78 texts in Early Irish (c. 7th-10th cent.) created by the ERC-funded Chronologicon Hibernicum (ChronHib) project by bringing together pre-existing lexical and syntactic databases and adding further crucial texts from the period. In addition to being annotated for POS, morphological and syntactic information, another layer of annotation has been developed for CorPH - 'Variation Tagging', i.e. a tagset that numerically encodes synchronic language variation during the Early Irish period, thus allowing for much improved research on the chronological variation among the material. Another new pillar of studying linguistic variation is Bayesian Language Variation Analysis (BLaVA), in order to address the challenge that "not-so-big data" poses to statistical corpus methods. Instead of reflecting feature frequencies, BLaVA models language variation as probabilities of variation.
ABSTRACT:This article examines the existing lexicographical evidence for the rare Irish word eclas, typically translated as ‘stomach’ or ‘gizzard’, and presents some hitherto unnoticed attestations of this term from a large collection of Irish medical remedies preserved in two sixteenth-century manuscripts. The new data allow better insights into the historical phonology and morphology of OIr. eclas and its Breton cognate elas, and make it possible to set up an Indo-European etymology for it and the related word glas in Welsh and Cornish. This reconstruction *(eg̑ʰs)-gʰl̥H- ST-o/eh₂-also has repercussions for the reconstruction of words for ‘digestive organs’ in other Indo-European languages. Even though eclas occurs as an equivalent for gaile ‘stomach’ in the context of late-medieval medical writing, it is argued that it probably originally referred to some other internal organ in the vicinity of the stomach, possibly the ‘oesophagus’.
This article argues that OBr guiler, guilerou, guileri, OW gueleri ‘calendar’ are not loans directly from Lat. uig(i)liarium ‘festive calendar’, but are borrowed from OIr. félire instead. The manuscripts in which these words appear have to be studied in the wider context of the medieval Celtic glossing tradition.
The etymological study of Early Irish began in the Old Irish period (c. 700-900 a.d.), under the influence of Isidore of Seville's Etymologiae, and, because of its flexible hermeneutic potential, it enjoyed great popularity in the middle and early modern periods. It is only with the rise of modern comparative linguistics, especially of Indo-European linguistics in the second half of the 19(th) century, that the art of Irish etymology attained scholarly rigour. Over the past 150 years, paradigm shifts in Indo-European studies (laryngeal theory, accent/ablaut classes of inflection, derivational morphology) and the development of modern technology (digitisation of texts, e.g. eDIL, ISOS) have repeatedly chang-ed the methods and the course of Irish etymological studies. The impact of some of these external factors will be illustrated with examples.
Das Werk ist die letzte und umfassendste der irischen Annalensammlungen; da sie zwischen 1632 und 1636 von Ó Cléirigh und drei Mitarbeitern, zeitweilig unterstützt von zwei Helfern, kompiliert wurde, wird sie gewöhnlich „Annalen der vier Meister“ genannt. Die Annála sind nur ein Teil eines groß angelegten Publikationsprogramms, das die Gemeinschaft exilierter irischer Franziskaner in Leuven (Belgien) ab 1607 für ihr Missionswerk im Heimatland unternahm.
This paper outlines the individual histories of the attested ancient Celtic epigraphic traditions, Cisalpine Celtic, Celtiberian, Gaulish and Ogam-Irish. It discusses the types of literacy in each of them and presents them as examples of how and under which conditions literacy arose and grew, and finally disappeared, in non-classical languages of antiquity. Where possible, the Celtic languages are viewed against an early Germanic background, to highlight similarities and parallels between the two philological areas, but also to contrast the differences between them and to give an account of where and when opportunities of literate interaction may have arisen between the two groups. These zones of potential interaction, as well as uncommon shapes of letters in some Celtic writing systems, are of relevance for the concluding section where observations from a Celtologist’s point of view will be made that may have a bearing on the origins of Runic writing.
Wie auch anderen Dichtern seiner Generation ist dem Autor die irische Sprache ein wertvolles, bewahrenswertes Erbe. Er schöpft aus seinem ulsteririschen Dialekt von Dún na nGall (Donegal); die Sprache ist idiomatisch, bilderreich und wurzelt im alltäglichen Sprachrhythmus. Ó Searcaigh spielt mit Bedeutungen und Klang, wobei faszinierende Assoziationen und Mehrdeutigkeiten entstehen. Zentrale Themen der Lyrik sind das Spannungsfeld zwischen Leben und Traditionen seiner ländlichen Heimat in Donegal und seiner Verbundenheit mit deren Bewohnern, Sprache und Traditionen einerseits und der Anonymität und Entfremdung des modernen Stadtlebens andererseits. Weiterhin schreibt er feinfühlige und ausdrucksstarke homoerotische Liebesgedichte.
The Ogam (Modern Irish: Ogham) script is a peculiar writing system devised to write the Primitive Irish language, i.e. the precursor of Old Irish. This script which in its core consists of 20 letters that are made up of 1-5 strokes or notches along the edge of standing stones was in use mainly from the 5thto the 7th centuries, but its use never fully died out. Of the c. 400 known Ogam inscriptions, around 330 are found in Ireland, the others are found in Britain. This article describes the writing system and the rather monotonous content – namely personal names – of the Ogam texts, as well as the language as far as it is accessible through these texts.
p a l a e o h i s p a n i c a 20 | 2020 | pp. 855-885 Abstract: The Ogam (Modern Irish: Ogham) script is a peculiar writing system devised to write the Primitive Irish language, i.e. the precursor of Old Irish. This script which in its core consists of 20 letters that are made up of 1-5 strokes or notches along the edges of standing stones was in use mainly from the 5th to the 7th centuries, but its use never fully died out. Of the c. 400 known Ogam inscriptions, around 330 are found in Ireland, the others are found in Britain. This article describes the writing system and the rather monotonous content — namely personal names – of the Ogam texts, as well as the language as far as it is accessible through these texts.