In post-civil war Angola, the tokoist Church, a prophetic Christian church born in colonial times, has become a key religious, social, and moral actor and, at the same time, an important partner of the government. This article suggests that the political role of this Church and its proximity to the government can best be explained by the process of "citizen subjectivation" that its history and spiritual trajectory has nurtured. Since the end of the civil war, this process has been marked by a strong presence in the social, political and public space, in stark contrast with the tradition of withdrawal that the Church had followed until then. Citizen subjectivation is analyzed here as a process through which a believer/citizen subject, the embodiment of a pacified society, is formed and subjugated to political power.

Nombre de décideurs politiques qui s’intéressent au Sahel ont tendance à se concentrer sur la croissance démographique et les « risques sécuritaires » de cette région. En portant notre attention sur une échelle plus intime, il devient possible d’éclairer les choix que font les individus et les familles à la lumière des contraintes qui pèsent sur leurs déplacements, sur leur accès à la production et sur les perspectives qu’ils ont de pouvoir se marier et élever des enfants. Si l’on se penche sur les questions générationnelles et de genre, on s’aperçoit que la sous-fertilité, les difficultés que l’on peut rencontrer pour se marier et fonder une famille, et les politiques démographiques et de sécurité accroissent la vulnérabilité des jeunes et des femmes qui cherchent à entrer dans l’âge adulte.

Angolan independence was achieved on November 11, 1975, after a 14-year-long war. The war was the result of three overlapping dynamics. The first was Portugal’s refusal to consider the possibility of a negotiated settlement for the independence of its colonies in Africa. Under the dictatorial regime of António Salazar, Portugal had become extremely dependent on its colonies, both economically and politically, and was therefore, by the late 1950s, bent on maintaining its colonial empire. The second was the development of nationalist feelings among Angolan elites, which eventually materialized in the late 1950s to early 1960s in two—and, as of 1966, three—competing nationalist movements. The third constituted a series of popular grievances within sectors of the Angolan population, especially landless farmers and plantation workers in the north, against their growing marginalization and impoverishment due to exploitative colonial policies. This eventually led to three uncoordinated revolts in January, February, and March 1961 that marked the beginning of the war of independence. The division of Angolan nationalism into three competing movements—the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)—was shaped by Angola’s long history of violent integration into Portugal’s colonial empire. The 20th-century Portuguese colonial state in Angola relied on the exploitation of the so-called native workforce through a vast system of forced labor and on taxation. It was also exclusionary and discriminatory, leaving very few avenues for upward social mobility for Angolan “natives.” It was therefore mostly at the margins of the colonial world that such mobility was possible, especially within Christian missions. The integration of these Angolan elite groups into the colonial world, or their exclusion, followed different paths according to local contexts and histories. As a result, the different lived experiences of the social groups that formed the backbone of the nationalist movement made it exceedingly difficult for them to agree on a common vision for independent Angola. This, together with the uncompromising thirst for power of the leadership of the three movements and Cold War logics, contributed to the civil war that engulfed the country at independence and lasted until 2002.

Dans l’Angola de l’après-guerre civile, l’Église tokoïste, une Église prophétique chrétienne née à l’époque coloniale, est devenue un acteur religieux, social et moral incontournable et, en même temps, un partenaire du gouvernement. Cet article suggère que le rôle politique de cette Église et sa proximité avec le gouvernement s’expliquent par le dispositif de « subjectivation citoyenne » que son histoire et sa trajectoire spirituelle ont forgé. Depuis la fin de la guerre civile, ce dispositif se distingue par une présence affirmée dans l’espace public, social et politique qui rompt avec la tradition de retrait de l’Église. La subjectivation citoyenne est analysée ici comme un processus par lequel se construit un sujet fidèle/citoyen, incarnation d’une société pacifiée, et s’opère son assujettissement au pouvoir politique.

Depuis le debut des annees 2010, l’image d’une « Afrique emergente », continent « plein d’espoir » dope par une croissance economique sans precedent, s’est imposee dans les discussions d’experts du developpement et a la « Une » des magazines. Dans un contexte international marque par le retour de l’Etat comme moteur du developpement, la grande majorite des pays africains se sont d'ailleurs dotes d’une « strategie d’emergence ». A partir de terrains effectues au Senegal, au Cameroun, en Cote d’Ivoire et au Kenya, les contributions reunies ici decortiquent cette rhetorique et les pratiques qu’elle met en oeuvre. En formulant l’hypothese de la formation d’« Etats d’emergence », ce dossier met en lumiere les dynamiques de rupture et de continuite dans le gouvernement des inegalites, de la croissance et du developpement en Afrique.

Dominant narratives and theories developed at the turn of the 21st century to account for the links between state formation and civil wars in Africa converged around two main ideas. First was the contention that the increase in civil wars across the continent—like that in many parts of the globe, including South Asia and Central Europe—was linked to state failure or decay. Violent conflict thus came to be seen as the expression of the weakness, disintegration, and collapse of political institutions in the postcolonial world. Second, guerrilla movements, once viewed as the ideological armed wings of Cold War contenders, then came to be seen as roving bandits interested in plundering the spoils left by decaying states, and their motives as primarily, if not only, economic or personal, rather than political. However, recent research has challenged the reductionism that underlay such accounts by looking into the day-to-day politics of civil war, thus moving beyond the search for the motives that bring rebels and rebel movements to wage war against the established order. Drawing on this literature, this article argues that violent conflict is part and parcel of historical processes of state formation. Thus, in order to understand how stable political institutions can be built in the aftermath of civil war, it is essential to study the institutions that regulate political life during conflict. This implies a need not only to look at how (and if) state institutions survive once war has broken out, but also to take into account the institutions put in place in areas beyond the control of the state.

Journal Article Angola's elections and the politics of presidential succession Get access Justin Pearce, Justin Pearce Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Didier Péclard, Didier Péclard Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Ricardo Soares de Oliveira Ricardo Soares de Oliveira Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar African Affairs, Volume 117, Issue 466, January 2018, Pages 146–160, https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adx045 Published: 09 January 2018 Article history Received: 15 November 2017 Published: 09 January 2018

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Dominant narratives and theories developed at the turn of the 21st century in order to account for civil wars in Africa converged around the idea that this upsurge in violence was linked to state failure or decay. Violent conflict thus came to be seen as the expression of the weakness, disintegration and collapse of political institutions in the post-colonial world, and guerrilla movements, once viewed as the ideological armed wings of Cold War contenders, as roving bandits interested in plundering the spoils left by decaying states. Recent research has however shown that, against the reductionism that underlay such accounts, we need to move beyond the search for the motives that bring rebels and rebel movement to wage war against the established order and look into the (micro-)politics of civil war. Indeed, civil wars do not simply destroy political orders. They contribute to shaping and producing them. Civil wars, in other words, are part and parcel of processes of state formation. This working paper looks at state formation through violent conflict. It focuses on political orders put in place by rebel movements, on their strategy to legitimise their very existence as movements and their claim to power, and on the extent to which they strive and manage to institutionalise their military power and transform it into political domination. It discusses some of the recent literature on the topic and offers some avenues of new research on the complex interplay between civil wars and state formation. It concentrates on the manner in which statehood, understood as a historical and constantly changing process of institutionalization of power relations, is ‘negotiated' during and after conflict. It is this ‘negotiation' that will allow scholars to better understand what “legitimate institutions” are and how they are shaped by and through civil wars.

Martin Dahinden’s article 'Democracy Promotion at a Local Level' is a welcome and timely contribution to on-going debates about the meaning of democratisation and external support to democracy. Since the end of the Cold War and with the rise of the ‘good governance’ agenda, the dominant approach to democracy promotion within multinational institutions as well as bilateral donor agencies has been a rather normative and technocratic one. The role of the West in accompanying transition from auto...

This research looks at the governance in the fight against AIDS in the Northern Coast as a political field where state, and non-state actors struggle for legitimacy and positioning. In the governance of public policies, the socio-political crisis in September 2002 Contributed to Reduced functional capacity of state structures due to the closure of some structures and the departure of much of the State staff on one hand. On the other hand, the crisis led to multiple opportunities, because of the increasing funding and other resources, and encourages the emergence of non-state actors interacting with each other. The research looks at the local governance in the fight against AIDS in the Northern Côte d'Ivoire as a political field where state and non-state actors struggle for power, legitimacy and positioning. The purpose of this paper is to present the different stakeholders interacting in the arena of fight against AIDS, and analyze the power relationship existing between them.

This chapter deals with the political identity of the white settler community in Angola. More precisely, it analyzes the emergence of a form of Euro-African nationalism among Angolan-born whites during the Portuguese colonial dictatorship of Salazar, the Estado Novo (New State). Firstly the chapter defines Angola's Euro-African nationalism. Then it proceeds by describing the features of the Portuguese colonization in Angola and the conditions from which there emerged a kind of Angolan white settler nationalism, its evolution and failure to achieve the control of the Colonial State. The history of Euro-African nationalism is deeply connected to the features of Portuguese colonization in Angola. Indeed during the twentieth century the Portuguese practised in Angola a subtype of colonialism that we can classify as settler colonialism. Keywords:Angola; Euro-African Nationalism; Portuguese colonization; Salazar