El absentismo es una práctica frecuente entre los estudiantes universitarios. El presente trabajo analiza dicho fenómeno desde el concepto de carrera moral: las experiencias que acumulan los estudiantes van modificando sus lógicas y decisiones en torno a la asistencia. La investigación se basa en un trabajo cualitativo con entrevistas en profundidad, grupos triangulares y grupos de discusión con estudiantes de una facultad de ciencias sociales en España. En relación al absentismo, la carrera moral del alumnado consta habitualmente de tres etapas. La primera se caracteriza por la asistencia automática, la idealización de la universidad y la ilegitimidad del comportamiento absentista. En la segunda, de transición, el creciente aburrimiento y las mayores competencias de estudio llevan a dejar de asistir sistemáticamente a algunas clases. La propia práctica del absentismo y su falta de consecuencias normalizan progresivamente el comportamiento. En la tercera etapa, el absentismo se enuncia como un derecho y la obligatoriedad de asistir como una imposición ilegítima del docente. La asistencia en este punto tiende a gestionarse de forma “racional respecto a nota”: sólo se acude a clase cuando se percibe como un esfuerzo eficiente para obtener la calificación deseada. Absenteeism is a frequent practice among university students. This paper analyses this phenomenon drawing on the concept of moral career: the experiences that students accumulate modify their logics and decisions regarding attendance. The research is based on qualitative work with in-depth interviews, triangular groups and focus groups with students from a faculty of social sciences in Spain. In relation to absenteeism, the moral career of students usually consists of three stages. The first is characterised by automatic attendance, idealisation of the university and the illegitimacy of absentee behaviour. In the second, transitional stage, growing boredom and increased study skills lead to systematic withdrawal from some classes. The very practice of absenteeism and its lack of consequences progressively normalise the behaviour. In the third stage, absenteeism is enunciated as a right and compulsory attendance as an illegitimate imposition by the teachers. Attendance at this point tends to be managed in a "grade-rational" way: students only attend when it is perceived as an efficient effort to obtain the desired grade.
Absenteeism is a frequent practice among university students. This paper analyses this phenomenon drawing on the concept of moral career: the experiences that students accumulate modify their logics and decisions regarding attendance. The research is based on qualitative work with in-depth interviews, triangular groups and focus groups with students from a faculty of social sciences in Spain. In relation to absenteeism, the moral career of students usually consists of three stages. The first is characterised by automatic attendance, idealisation of the university and the illegitimacy of absentee behaviour. In the second, transitional stage, growing boredom and increased study skills lead to systematic withdrawal from some classes. The very practice of absenteeism and its lack of consequences progressively normalise the behaviour. In the third stage, absenteeism is enunciated as a right and compulsory attendance as an illegitimate imposition by the teachers. Attendance at this point tends to be managed in a "grade-rational" way: students only attend when it is perceived as an efficient effort to obtain the desired grade.
El absentismo universitario suele explicarse por déficits del alumnado. Frente a ello, lo analizamos como una práctica racional de gestión del esfuerzo. La investigación se basa en un estudio de caso mediante técnicas cualitativas en una facultad de ciencias sociales. Hallamos que las prácticas absentistas conjugan dos condiciones de posibilidad: “no querer asistir” y “poder no asistir”. No se quiere asistir cuando la asignatura produce aburrimiento, que es producto de la comunicación pedagógica y de la adecuación del contenido a los intereses estudiantiles. Cuando la asignatura aburre, se deja de asistir si ello no impide obtener la calificación deseada. Ello depende de la utilidad de la asistencia para superar la evaluación, así como de las competencias escolares y objetivos de nota del estudiantado. Concluimos que en el absentismo intervienen reacciones emocionales y cálculos racionales, diversas en función de las características de la asignatura y del o la estudiante.
La mayoría de las investigaciones sobre implicación parental y clase social parten del «modelo general lineal» (Abbott). Este modelo ignora efectos de secuencia —no contempla que el orden en que se produzcan los fenómenos altera el resultado— y de entramado —intenta aislar los efectos separados de cada variable—. Contrastamos esta perspectiva con un enfoque procesual y de entramado. En este las prácticas y expectativas parentales no son meras variables independientes: son modificadas por las prácticas y resultados escolares filiales. Mientras la primera perspectiva atribuye las diferencias de implicación entre clases sociales a lógicas culturales, la segunda muestra que dichas diferencias se construyen progresivamente a partir de una desigualdad de recursos parentales y de resultados escolares filiales.
En La reproducción el concepto de autoridad pedagógica se refiere a la aceptación sin cuestionamientos de los contenidos impartidos y de la legitimidad del educador. Para Bourdieu y Passeron esta autoridad sería un elemento central para el funcionamiento del sistema escolar. A partir de una investigación cualitativa en una universidad española, indagamos en qué condiciones la autoridad pedagógica se mantiene o debilita. Esta se debilita ante públicos de clases populares en carreras profesionalizantes, que oponen el saber práctico al saber escolar. Pero también se debilita, para todo tipo de estudiantes, con el desarrollo de la carrera moral: a medida que pasan los cursos, la autoridad pedagógica es menor. Ello no impide que los estudiantes estudien: a falta de legitimación intrínseca, las calificaciones y las credenciales imponen una disciplina de trabajo.
In Reproduction, the concept of pedagogical authority refers to the unquestioned acceptance of the content taught and the legitimacy of the educator. According to Bourdieu and Passeron, this authority would be a central element for the functioning of the school system. Based on qualitative research in a Spanish university, we investigate the conditions under which pedagogical authority is maintained or weakened. This authority is weakened for working-class students in professionalising degrees, as they oppose practical knowledge to school knowledge. But it also weakens, for all kinds of students, with the development of moral careers: pedagogical authority becomes weaker as the courses go on. This does not prevent students from studying: in the absence of intrinsic legitimisation, grades and credentials impose a discipline at work.
Most research on parental involvement and social class is based on the ???General Linear Model??? (Abbott). This model ignores sequence effects, failing to consider how results may be altered by the order in which the phenomena occur, and network effects, attempting to separately isolate the effect of each variable. In this work, this perspective has been contrasted with a processual and network approach. Here, parental behavior and expectations are not merely independent variables since they are modified by the child???s behavior and academic results. While the first approach attributes differences in involvement between social classes to cultural factors, the second suggests that these differences are due to progressively unequal parental resources and the academic results of the children.
El abuso del concepto de habitus conduce frecuentemente a pseudo-explicaciones circulares: de los comportamientos observados se infiere un habitus que supuestamente explica el comportamiento. Frente a estos atajos, se proponen dos recomendaciones para utilizar fecundamente el concepto de habitus. En primer lugar, antes de recurrir a cualquier explicacion por la socializacion hemos de agotar el analisis de todos los determinantes situacionales. En segundo lugar, el concepto de habitus puede servirnos sobre todo para explicar acciones inadecuadas a la situacion. El habitus es una herramienta mucho mas fructifera cuando encontramos desajustes entre sujeto y situacion, entre pasado y presente.
espanolLas encuestas sobre familia y educacion suelen realizarse a progenitores. ?Cambiarian los resultados encuestando a hijos e hijas? Para verlo, analizamos las discrepancias entre las respuestas parentales y filiales a 16 preguntas formuladas a ambos en la Encuesta Social 2010 de Andalucia que interroga a progenitores e hijos de dos cohortes: 12 y 16 anos. Para medir la discrepancia calculamos el coeficiente de concordancia simple, el coeficiente Kappa y el coeficiente de correlacion intraclase. Continuamos los analisis comparando, mediante tablas de contingencia, las respuestas de progenitores y descendientes a las mismas cuestiones, controlando por nivel de estudios parentales. Nuestro principal resultado es que, aunque las discrepancias son pequenas, tienen amplias consecuencias para los analisis: controlando por nivel de estudios parentales obtenemos resultados distintos preguntando a progenitores o hijos e hijas. Preguntando a progenitores, los estratos superiores aparecen mas acordes al discurso legitimo sobre la educacion de sus descendientes y las distancias entre estratos sociales son estadisticamente significativas en mas ocasiones. Una posible explicacion es que hay mas efecto de deseabilidad social en los progenitores y actua en sentidos distintos en los diferentes estratos sociales. Palabras clave: sociologia de la educacion, practicas educativas, relacion progenitores estudiantes, clase social, encuestas, validez, deseabilidad social. EnglishSurveys on family and education usually ask parents. Would results change if we ask children? To answer this question, we analyze the disagreements between parents and children's answers to 16 questions asked in the 2010 Social Survey in Andalusia. This survey asks parents and children from two cohorts of 12 and 16 years old. To measure disagreement we calculate the simple agreement coefficient, the Kappa coefficient and the Intraclass Correlation Coefficient. Afterwards we compare, with crosstabs, parents and children's responses to similar questions, controlling by parents' studies. The main result is that disagreements are not large, but they have big consequences: when we control by parents' studies we obtain very different results depending on whom we ask -parents or children-. When we ask parents, higher social strata's practices appear more in compliance with the legitimate discourse on children?s education and the differences in these practices between social strata are more often statistically significant. We hypothesize that this is due to two facts: social desirability bias is bigger in parents than in children and this bias acts in different directions in the different social strata. Keywords: Sociology of Education, Educational Practices, Parent Student Relationship, Social Class, Surveys, Validity, Social Desirability.
Los debates más publicitados sobre educación y juventud suelen dejar en segundo plano las desigualdades de clase social o abordarlas desde una perspectiva sociocéntrica de clases medias. El artículo aborda estas desigualdades en el sistema escolar español y las confronta con algunos de los “problemas sociales” que más repercusión mediática han tenido. Se muestra que los datos no respaldan la gravedad de supuestos problemas como el fracaso del sistema escolar español, su supuesto laxismo o la presunta dimisión parental de los estratos más desfavorecidos. Estos “problemas” son construcciones interesadas que sirven para legitimar políticas de cierre social que beneficien a las clases medias y para dejar en segundo plano la enorme importancia de la diferencia de recursos económicos y culturales en las dinámicas del sistema escolar.
Many public policies, teachers and researchers impute the weaker school performance of working class students to the lack of parents' involvement: they don't value school as much as middle class parents. Other authors disagree on this: nowadays the main difference among social strata related to school doesn't consist of values, but of resources. We check both theories with the data provided by 2010 Social Survey analyzing the relation between parents' involvement, resources and children's previous school performance in two cohorts, 12 and 16 years old. We find the biggest differences in those practices that need more cultural and economic resources-helping with homework and paying for private classes-. Concerning other practices we find the main differences when the children are 16 years old and have low grades: since there are no differences at 12 years old, those differences in involvement are probably consequences, not causes, of children's school failure. We conclude that working class parents value and get involved in their children's schooling, but they have less resources to foster it.
Numerosas políticas públicas, docentes e investigadores atribuyen el menor rendimiento escolar de las clases populares a la falta de implicación parental y ésta a su menor valoración de la escolaridad. Otros autores lo cuestionan: actualmente la diferencia básica entre estratos sociales no es de valoración de la escolaridad, sino de recursos. Contrastamos ambas perspectivas con la Encuesta Social 2010, analizando la relación entre implicación parental, recursos y rendimiento escolar previo en dos cohortes, de 12 y 16 años. Encontramos las mayores diferencias de implicación en las prácticas que requieren más recursos culturales y económicos –ayudar con los deberes y contratar clases particulares-. En las otras prácticas, las diferencias relevantes se dan a los 16 años, no a los 12, con bajas notas filiales: estas diferencias parecen consecuencia, no causa, del fracaso escolar. En conclusión, las clases populares valoran y se implican en la escolaridad filial, pero tienen menos recursos para promoverla.
Transcarotid artery revascularization (TCAR) with the ENROUTE transcarotid neuroprotection and stent system (Silk Road Medical, Inc, Sunnyvale, Calif) combines surgical principles of neuroprotection with less invasive endovascular techniques to treat high grade stenosis in the carotid artery. The ENROUTE Neuroprotection System allows the surgeon to directly access the common carotid artery to initiate high rate temporary blood flow reversal to protect the brain while performing carotid angioplasty and stenting. Unprotected catheterization of the arch and lesion is, thus, avoided. Pivotal data from the Safety and Efficacy Study for Reverse Flow Used During Carotid Artery Stenting Procedure (ROADSTER) study of high-risk patients undergoing TCAR have showed a low stroke rate compared with other prospective trials of endovascular carotid intervention. The aim of this article is to provide specific technical details of TCAR.
Many authors, since the Wisconsin model, defend that parents' educational expectations are one of the main causes of the differences in school success by social origin.According to them, educational expectations produce school success increasing parents' involvement and son's expectations and self-concept.On the contrary, other authors defend that educational expectations depend on school success.This article checks both theories with the "Social Survey 2010", which offers data of two students' cohorts, 12 and 16 years old.First, we compare parents' expectations between both cohorts controlling by grades and social origin.Then we analyze the relation of parents' expectations with parents' involvement.The results show that expectations adapt to school performance: parents expectations decrease distinctly from 12 to 16 years in the lower social strata -which suffer a big school failure in secondary education-and there is very little relation between parents' expectations and parents' involvement.
Many authors, since the Wisconsin model, defend that parents' educational expectations are one of the main causes of the differences in school success by social origin. According to them, educational expectations produce school success increasing parents' involvement and son's expectations and self-concept. On the contrary, other authors defend that educational expectations depend on school success. This article checks both theories with the "Social Survey 2010", which offers data of two students' cohorts, 12 and 16 years old. First, we compare parents' expectations between both cohorts controlling by grades and social origin. Then we analyze the relation of parents' expectations with parents' involvement. The results show that expectations adapt to school performance: parents expectations decrease distinctly from 12 to 16 years in the lower social strata - which suffer a big school failure in secondary education-and there is very little relation between parents' expectations and parents' involvement.
El texto presenta una reunión grupal sobre la evolución de los usos en la técnica del grupo de discusión y, en general, en la investigación cualitativa; desde el trabajo de campo, captación, transcripción hasta el análisis de los discursos y la redacción de informes de investigación. Dicha discusión se enmarca en el contexto social e histórico actual, por lo que la perspectiva se ve atravesada no sólo por los cambios en los usos de la técnica y, de manera genérica, en la investigación cualitativa, sino también por los cambios de discursos sociales. La característica que homogeneiza a los/as participantes de dicho grupo es que todos ellos/as utilizan el grupo de discusión como técnica en sus investigaciones. El carácter heterogéneo viene dado por un lado, por las distintas generaciones y por el otro, por los diferentes ámbitos desde los que, los/as participantes, realizan sus investigaciones; ya bien sea el ámbito académico, la investigación de mercados o desde el ámbito político.
Trans-carotid artery revascularization (TCAR) with the ENROUTE Transcarotid Neuroprotection System (Silk Road Medical, Sunnyvale, Calif) combines direct carotid access with blood flow reversal as cerebral protection during carotid stent placement. The Safety and Efficacy Study for Reverse Flow Used During Carotid Artery Stenting Procedure (ROADSTER) investigational device exemption trial studied TCAR using Food and Drug Administration (FDA)-approved carotid stent systems designed for transfemoral delivery. A subset of patient data was used to support FDA approval of a shorter 57-cm-length delivery system (ENROUTE Transcarotid Precise Stent System). The ROADSTER investigational device exemption trial was a prospective, single-arm, multicenter clinical trial to evaluate the safety and effectiveness of TCAR in high-risk symptomatic patients with ≥50% stenosis and asymptomatic patients with ≥70% stenosis. The primary end point was a composite of stroke, myocardial infarction (MI), and death at 30 days. Secondary end points included cranial nerve injury and acute device, technical, and procedural success. An independent clinical events committee adjudicated all major adverse events. Of the 67 lead-in and 141 pivotal patients enrolled, 52 patients were treated with the Precise PRO Rx Carotid Stent System (Cordis, Bridgewater, NJ). Data from these 52 patients were used to support FDA approval of the shorter length ENROUTE Transcarotid Stent System. From November 2012 to July 2014, 52 patients treated with the Precise stent were enrolled at 8 of 18 sites that participated in ROADSTER. Mean age was 73.0 years, 42.3% were female, and 23.1% were symptomatic; 51.9% of patients were ≥75 years old, and 23.1% were ≥80 years old. There were no major strokes, MIs, deaths, or cranial nerve injuries. One patient (1/52 [1.9%]) had a minor stroke. Acute device success, technical success, and procedural success were 100%, 100%, and 98.1% respectively. Of the 15 patients treated at our institution, the technical success was 100%, and the stroke/death/MI was 0%. The Precise stent data from the ROADSTER trial indicate the lowest major adverse events of any carotid stent trials, 0% major stroke/death/MI and a 1.9% minor stroke/death/MI, leading to the FDA approval of the first transcarotid stent. Furthermore, the ROADSTER study highlights that Precise stent stroke/death/MI with transcarotid ENROUTE neuroprotection (1.9%) is lower than what was observed with Precise stent transfemoral neuroprotection (4.8%) as seen with the Stenting and Angioplasty with Protection in Patients with High Risk for Endarterectomy (SAPPHIRE) trial.
Background Percutaneous transluminal angioplasty (PTA) for the treatment of pediatric renovascular hypertension (RVH) in contemporary practice is accompanied with ill-defined complications. This study examines the mode of pediatric renal PTA failures and the results of their surgical management.Methods Twenty-four children underwent remedial operations at the University of Michigan from 1996 to 2014 for failures of renal PTA. Their clinical courses were retrospectively reviewed and results analyzed.Results Renal PTA of 32 arteries, including 13 with stenting, was performed for severe RVH in 12 boys and 12 girls, having a mean age of 9.3 years. Developmental ostial stenoses affected 22 children. PTA failures included: 27 restenoses and five thromboses. Remedial operations included: 13 renal artery-aortic reimplantations, one segmental renal artery-main renal artery reimplantation, ten aortorenal bypasses, one arterioplasty, one iliorenal bypass, and six nephrectomies for unreconstructable arteries; the latter all in children younger than 10 years. Follow-up averaged 2.1 years. Postoperatively, hypertension was cured, improved, or unchanged in 25, 54, and 21 %, respectively. There was no perioperative renal failure or mortality.Conclusions Renal PTA for the treatment of pediatric RVH due to ostial disease may be complicated by failures requiring complex remedial operations or nephrectomy, the latter usually affecting younger children.