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There have been many appeals for synthesis in various fields of sociology. In its own way, this curious, controversial, but always stimulating little book is a response to such appeals. It is also the presentation of a new approach in applied sociology, which in turn would entail the appearance of a new type of expert--the sociological consultant (here somewhat ungrammatically called &dquo; social practitioner &dquo;) who, like a doctor, would have access to general knowledge that would enable him to draw upon proven laws and previous research when seeking solutions to a client’s problems. It is perhaps redundant to say that this book is a picture of society as we know it, and represents an attempt to manipulate it in its own terms.

decisions in inter-group conflicts. Acting in a more general, common class interest, it initiates certain activities which fall within the domain of Capitalist economics. The process of political integration is prepared by inter-group integration. Economic compulsion, strengthened by the pressure exercized by the group hureatrcracy, paves the way for this. Already at this initial phase of the integration process, the interests of unorganized or weakly organized groups are neglected. Two kinds of variables influence the role played by pressure groups in the political system. The sructure and dynamics of pressure groups and their mutual relations, on the one hand, and, on the other, the political structure and its dynamics. Both the one and the other, in turn, are conditioned by the economic structure and the development processes which take place in it. In the Capitalist system two fundamental categories of pressure groups set the tone for the political process : those which represent Capitalist interests, and the workers’ pressure groupes. On the other hand, the groups representing the interests of farmers or peasants oscillate between these two groups. These two fundamental and contradictory categories of pressure groups do not have equal opportunities when pursuing their interests. They do not represent the same amount of economic power, which is one of the fundarnentaj elements of the efl’ectiveness of pressure, nor do they have equal access to the centres of political decision. This is particularly true of the trade unions in America, which are paralyzed by their political inertia. In this respect the Capitalist pressure groups are in a particularly privileged position. This latter category includes not only associations but also every organizational form of concentrated capital, such as trusts, big corporations and cartels. For, indeed, concentration of capital in itself signifies political pressure. The law places restrictive limits on the activities of organized interests in an uneven way. This &dquo;inequuhty of pressure groups before the law&dquo; is particularly stricking in the United States. This inequality, both in fact and in law, of those two fundamental categories of pressure groups, which appears in Capitalist States, is a reflection of the class straification of the Capitalist community.

For greater commodity in consultation, conclusions or general axioms are printed in italics wherever they appear in the text. The book concludes with a lengthy bibliography. The author makes it very clear that his fundamental view of aggression is not Freud’s. He prefers an explanation in terms of S-R concepts and learning-theory. Using Frustration and Aggression, the pioneer monograph by Dollard and his associates, as a point of departure, he suggests modifications to their findings in the light of recent research. Berkowitz agrees with the Yale group that aggressive behavior is elicited by some form of frustration. But the various types of frustration and possible responses to it are myriad and their implications are of great concern to sociologists. Frustrations, and particularly economic frustrations, are the ideal breeding-ground for hostility against minority groups : there may be a displacement of hostility for the immediate frustrating agent or situation to a disliked group. The author discusses possible means for reducing hostility of this type, for no matter how great our present or future prosperity, frustrations are bound to occur in our society. The use of the mass media for the diffusion of messages advocating peace and harmony with minority groups is usually ineffective ; such messages are not heeded when they are dissonant with previous attitudes. Minimizing group differences, and, if possible, lessening minority &dquo; visibility &dquo; are much

In this book the author analyzes the problem of underemployment, or as he terms it, the problem of structural involuntary unemployment in the underdeveloped economies and in the process makes a comparative study of capital intensity in the industries of the developed and the underdeveloped economies. The removal of this unemplcyment, the author maintains, would depend upon the rate of economic development which, in turn, would depend on the economic objectives which the underdeveloped economies seek to attain. If the long-term maximisation of the rate of development be their objective, they could attain full employment within a period of about twelve years; they could, however, attain fidl employment almost immediately, though with a lower rate of growth, if they chose their production techniques on the basis of the maximisation of income and employment criterion. Their objectives, the author concludes, would determine the type of their investment pattern ~nd production techniques and hence the rate of growth of employment and income. After discussing the mechanics of economic development, the author goes on to discuss its motive power which, in the ultimate analysis, would determine the pace and pattern of development in the underdeveloped economies. C.I.D.S.S.