This article assesses the political career of John M. Bannerman from his entry into Scottish politics in the early 1930s until his final speeches in the House of the Lords in the late 1960s. The principal issue which it addresses is the history of the Liberal party in Scotland in the period from 1945 to the late 1960s. By analysing Bannerman's Liberal candidatures (he stood eight times in four different Scottish constituencies from 1945 to 1964, losing on each occasion), his attitude to Scottish Home Rule, his role in keeping the Scottish Liberal Party alive, and his ideas on the revival of the Scottish Highlands, it deals with his role in the survival of a party which had once dominated Scottish politics but had fallen into deep decline. The position of the Liberal Party during a period in which the Labour Party and the Scottish Unionist Party dominated the politics of Scotland is also a theme of the article. Some additional comments are made about the way in which both the Scottish Liberal Democrats and the Scottish National Party have deployed Bannerman’s memory in arguing their positions vis-à-vis post-devolution Scottish politics.

Gladstone is a figure of perennial interest to historians. The bibliography of material relating to his life and interests is vast: an unscientific search in the online ‘Bibliography of British and...

Abstract The important role of the state in Scottish history since 1918 can be partly explained by historical forces arising from the speed of Scotland's economic development in the nineteenth century and the twentieth-century attempts to deal with the legacies of this process. These problems were too profound to be dealt with by private enterprise; only the mobilization of the resources of the state could eradicate the slums or improve the health of the nation. However, there is a problem in attempting to understand the state in a Scottish context. There is no doubt that sovereignty and authority are located at a United Kingdom level, even in a post-devolution context. Suggestions of Scottish autonomy or semi-independence are cultural or political, rather than constitutional or legal. This article discusses the links between the role of the state and the operation of the Union in Scotland since 1918. Although aspects of this topic – housing, economic development, the regeneration of the Highlands, education – have attracted a great deal of attention, there are big questions that remain to be examined by new research.

Parliamentary HistoryVolume 30, Issue 2 p. 286-287 The Independence of Scotland: Self-Government and the Shifting Politics of Union – By Michael Keating EWEN A. CAMERON, EWEN A. CAMERON University of EdinburghSearch for more papers by this author EWEN A. CAMERON, EWEN A. CAMERON University of EdinburghSearch for more papers by this author First published: 01 June 2011 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2011.00271_17.xCitations: 2Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume30, Issue2June 2011Pages 286-287 RelatedInformation

"Withdrawal of the SHR from the list of journal rankings in history published in the European Reference Index for the Humanities." , 88(1), pp. 1–2