U članku se preko objava časopisa i memoarskih zapisa istaknutih pojedinaca analizira odnos slovenske političke sfere prema kulturnom i teritorijalnom aspektu jugoslavenstva u periodu od donošenja Vidovdanskoga ustava do izbora 1923. S teritorijalnoga je aspekta u svim dijelovima političkoga spektra u Slovenaca primjetna želja za pridruživanjem Bugara jugoslavenskoj državnoj zajednici. Dok je za slovenske liberale to bio prirodan slijed događaja kojemu su težili u skladu sa svojom panslavenskom ideologijom, kod pretežnoga dijela konzervativaca to je bio put prema smanjenju unutardržavnoga srpskog pritiska. Istovremeno su u svim segmentima slovenske politike neposredno nakon donošenja Vidovdanskoga ustava primjetni određeni elementi autonomaštva, koje je egzistiralo čak i u dijelu unitarizmu sklonih liberala. Ipak, unatoč unutarnjim rascjepima, političku pobjedu u proučavanom razdoblju odnose slovenski konzervativci. Iako se njihova vizija jugoslavenstva i s teritorijalnoga i s kulturnoga aspekta znatno razlikovala od vizija tadašnjih vlasti, konzervativci koriste umjerenu opozicijsku retoriku te izvlače korist iz djelomičnoga preklapanja njihovih taktičkih planova s vizijama radikala, što će poslije dovesti i do suradnje najveće slovenske i srpske političke opcije. S druge strane, iako socijaldemokrati i komunisti nisu imali izabranih predstavnika na izborima, slovenski su komunisti u tom razdoblju bili jedni od inicijatora prava na samoodređenje naroda. To je ubrzo uključeno kao temeljna odrednica u program Komunističke partije Jugoslavije, a borba protiv centralizma postala je temeljnom sastavnicom njezine strategije uspona na vlast.

The article uses journal publications and memoirs of prominent individuals to analyze the Slovene political sphere's attitude toward the cultural and territorial aspects of the Yugoslav idea during the period from the Vidovdan Constitution to the elections of 1923. From a territorial perspective, a desire to incorporate Bulgarians into the Yugoslav state was evident across all factions of the Slovene political spectrum. For the Slovene liberals, this was seen as a natural sequence of events aligned with their pan-Slavic ideology, while conservatives viewed it as a strategy to reduce internal Serbian dominance. During this period, elements of autonomism were noticeable in all segments of Slovene politics, including among some liberals who otherwise supported the idea of Yugoslav unitarism. Despite internal divisions, the Slovene conservatives emerged as the political winners of that time. Although their vision of Yugoslavism-both territorial and cultural-differed significantly from that of the state authorities, the conservatives employed moderate oppositional rhetoric. They capitalized on the partial alignment of their tactical goals with those of the Radical Party, eventually fostering cooperation between the largest Slovene and Serbian political parties. On the other hand, although the social democrats and communists had no elected representatives in the elections, Slovenian communists were among the early advocates of the right to national self-determination during this period. This principle was soon integrated as a fundamental tenet of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia's programme, and the struggle against centralism became a key pillar of its strategy for gaining power.

The recent version of the Slovenian Linguistic Atlas (SLA) classifies a significant number of speech varieties from the Republic of Croatia as part of the Slovenian language using genetic-linguistic criteria. A critical analysis of the conceptual framework and criteria employed in the SLA reveals that the project incorporates terminology from other scientific disciplines into the field of genetic linguistics, often without consistently adhering the original definitions and conceptual boundaries of those terms. When speech varieties are labelled with terms carrying sociolinguistic connotations, their analysis must be guided by sociolinguistic criteria. Conversely, if classification is based exclusively on genetic-linguistic criteria, new terminology specific to genetic linguistics should be developed to avoid confusion with established meanings in other disciplines. This paper highlights the potential for arbitrariness in genetic-linguistic studies and suggests safeguards to ensure methodological rigor in future research.

The article presents the positioning of Slovenian parties after the elections in 1923, changes in their political tactics and the parties' internal fragmentations. The author analyses the implications of these modifications on the attitude of Slovenian political groups towards the federalist Yugoslav idea, towards the strongest Croatian political group, the Croatian (Republican) Peasant Party (HRSS), and its president Stjepan Radi & cacute;. Slovenian political groups were not united on these issues. Slovenian conservatives attempted to strengthen their position through a more moderate approach towards Serbian parties. After 1923, due to the loss of confidence in the People's Radical Party and the weak performance of its Croatian affiliate, the Croatian People's Party, they sought to redefine their political partnerships. However, cooperation with the H(R)SS never reached an appreciable level. The reasons for this lie less in the ideological foundations and more in the incompatibility of the characters of their leaders. On the other hand, Slovenian liberals, despite their ideologically sincere unitarist principles, found a cohesive factor with Radi & cacute; in anti-Greater Serbian sentiment, which marked their collaboration until the summer of 1928. The communists, due to their own worldviews and the open conflict with the state authorities, vehemently opposed the unitarist doctrine and sympathized with the H(R)SS. Within this context, they were willing to confront even the Serbian faction of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY).

This article discusses the problem of evaluating socio-political interventions in language at the case of Croatian. From a theoretical point of view, definitions of such interventions, often called purism, are first analyzed and placed in the context of the ‘one standard axiom’ thesis. To determine why only some historical periods of intervention are labeled as purist, a brief comparative overview is provided of conflicting perspectives on interventions in the Croatian language made between 1918 and 1990. The author argues that partial historical analyses will always find that a particular regime pursued a policy of purism. Moreover, proponents of the Yugoslav period as normal adhere to the thesis of the existence of the ‘One Standard Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, and Serbian Axiom,’ while their counterparts argue for the distinctiveness of the Croatian language from related South Slavic languages.

The article analyzes the perspectives of the three main Slovenian political factions-the Catholic populists, liberals, and communists-during the period following King Aleksandar Kara & dstrok;or & dstrok;evi & cacute;'s imposition of dictatorship in January 1929 until his assassination in 1934. It identifies key points of divergence in their political agendas, particularly regarding the internal governance of the Kingdom of SCS/Yugoslavia, its international position, and the distinctive political strategies employed to achieve their respective goals. Despite initial positive reactions, the new state regime quickly faced criticism from the largest Slovenian political faction, the Slovenian People's Party. This dissatisfaction culminated in the form of the Ljubljana Points, which primarily demanded the unification of Slovenians within Yugoslavia into a single political entity capable of attracting Slovenians from neighboring countries. From the Belgrade perspective, this criticism was seen as a potential threat to the stability of the western regions of the country and to relations with Italy and Austria. Slovenian liberals replaced the Catholic People's Party in the government, viewing this as an opportunity to assert political primacy in Slovenian regions. However, the average Slovenian was not inclined to support the idea of a unified Yugoslav nation. In contrast, Slovenian communists recognized the strong resonance of the national question among the Slovenian population. Their political tactics included criticizing Greater Serbian ideology and advocating for the right to self-determination for the Slovenian people. From a strategic perspective, the communists integrated this approach into their broader vision of a 'voluntary Yugoslav federation,' seeking to reconcile the sovereignty of individual South Slavic nations with the Yugoslav geopolitical framework. This dynamic within Slovenian politics had a relatively positive influence on the position of Croats, bolstering their efforts to redefine their status within the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.

The article has three purposes: to present the key determinants of a sustainable business strategy for non-profit sport clubs in (post)transitional Europe; to discuss the strategic alternatives emerging in this context; and to disclose how a range of stakeholders influences the clubs’ decisions on major sustainable issues. First, the author describes the production process and the specific social context, highlighting three key strategic dilemmas affecting sport clubs’ economic sustainability. The second part describes the five typical strategic orientations, revealing that the stronger engagement of private sponsors in a club’s strategy generally implies larger annual budgets. However, it also forces club managements to accept riskier strategies and focus more on sport results than on the local community. The article proposes a new classification of sport clubs’ strategies, provides empirical insight into the development process of sport clubs from post-transitional European countries, and explains why they retained their status as non-profit organizations.

The article examines Slovenian liberal and clerical magazines to analyse the adaptations of the political narratives of the two main Slovenian political parties from the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 until early in the final stage of World War I in March 1918. Slovenian clericals, who gathered together in the Slovenian People's Party, reacted to the killings in Sarajevo by adopting a strong pro-Habsburg and anti-Serbian position. Their magazines even called for a military invasion of Serbia. In comparison, their primary political competitors on Slovenian soil, the Slovenian liberals congregated in the National Progressive Party and condemned the act of assassination, yet they were critical of the Austrian anti-Serbian policy for having escalated the war. These two Slovenian political parties were also divided on the issue of the future envisioned for the Slovenian nation within South Slavic state formations. The clericals pressed for realization of the trialist idea, which forecast a Croatian–Slovenian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy with its centre in Zagreb. The liberals, in contrast, dreamed of a larger South Slavic state that would bring all South Slavs together and have its centre in Serbia. The development of the war, chiefly the Entente's foreseeable victory, the threat of implementation of the London Pact, and the fact that Austrian Germans characterized all emancipatory Slovenian political movements as an anti-state element, all worked to force Slovenian clericals to cooperate with their pre-war enemies. The overriding aim was for them to retain their leading position among Slovenians by formally cooperating with the liberal stream, including taking over part of the liberal political strategy, in order to ensure that it was in the best possible position in the South Slavic state at end of the war.

The article analyzes Slovenian perspectives on the possible formations of a state of South Slavs from the final stages of World War I until when the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenians (SCS) was established in 1918. In this period, the most influential Slovenian People's Party (SLS) gradually abandoned the concept of the May Declaration and accepted the idea of unification with Serbia. Despite Slovenian parties seeming to be in harmony on this issue, significant ideological differences separated them, as reflected in the geopolitical parameters of imagined Yugoslav state ideas they envisioned. Further, dissidents from the main parties also developed alternative visions of their own. This article looks at a few of the most prominent alternatives, while determining what distinguishes them from the requirements of the May Declaration, and examines the crucial factors in Slovenians’ decision to join the state of South Slavs with Serbia and to be outside the Habsburg monarchy.

U članku se analiziraju stavovi triju glavnih slovenskih političkih struja – katoličkih narodnjaka, liberala i komunista – nakon što je kralj Aleksandar Karađorđević uveo diktaturu u siječnju 1929. godine pa sve do njegova ubojstva 1934. godine. Identi¬ficiraju se ključne točke i razlike u političkim programima, posebice u pogledima na unutarnje državno uređenje Kraljevine SHS / Jugoslavije, njezin međunarodni položaj te posebnosti političkih strategija u ostvarivanju vlastitih političkih ciljeva. Unatoč prvotnim pozitivnim reakcijama, novi državni režim brzo je doživio kritiku najveće slovenske političke opcije, Slovenske narodne stranke. Nezadovoljstvo je kulminiralo u obliku Ljubljanskih punktacija, čiji je temeljni zahtjev bio sjedinjenje Slovenaca u Jugoslaviji u jednu političku cjelinu koja bi privukla i ostale Slovence u susjednim državama. Ova je kritika vlasti iz vizure Beograda predstavljala opasnost za destabilizaciju zapadnog dijela zemlje i narušavanje odnosa s Italijom i Austrijom. Katoličke narodnjake u vladi zamijenili su slovenski liberali, koji su u tom potezu vidjeli potencijal za preuzimanje primata na slovenskim područjima. Međutim, prosječan slovenski stanovnik nije bio sklon ideji jedinstvene jugoslavenske nacije. Slovenski komunisti, suprotno liberalima, shvaćali su da je nacionalno pitanje snažno prisutno u slovenskom puku. Stoga je njihova politička taktika bila temeljena na kritici velikosrpstva i promociji ideje prava na samoodređenje slovenskog naroda. Ipak, sa strateškog gledišta, tu su taktiku uklopili u plan „dragovoljne jugoslavenske federacije“, pokušavajući sjediniti ideju suverenosti pojedinih južnoslavenskih naroda i jugoslavenskog geopolitičkog konstrukta. Takva je situacija među Slovencima relativno povoljno utjecala na položaj Hrvata u nastojanjima uređivanja vlastitog statusa u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji.

U radu se proučavaju karakteristike, potrebe i iskustva slovenskih interesenata za učenje hrvatskoga jezika na području poslovanja i ekonomije. Rezultati dobiveni na uzorku od 308 ispitanika pokazuju da se s potrebom učenja hrvatskoga jezika susreće više od jedne trećine radno aktivnih slovenskih studenata i diplomanata na tom strukovnom području, dok bi 30 % ukupne studentske populacije odabralo učenje hrvatskoga jezika, ako bi im to bilo omogućeno unutar studija. U dijelu studenata diplomskoga studija taj je udio čak 44 %. Ispitanici su pokazali sklonost učenju kroz praktične primjere, putem igre, glazbe i filmova, kroz koje žele upoznati i kulturu druge zemlje uz sam jezik. S druge strane, kvalitetan je učitelj nužan preduvjet učenja jezika, dok su učenje napamet, naglasak na ocjenjivanju i ponavljanju gramatike oni elementi koji najčešće bude negativne asocijacije studenata. Naposljetku, treba istaknuti da bi četvrtina ispitanih studenata, koji bi odabrali hrvatski jezik među izbornim kolegijima u okviru besplatnoga studija, bili spremni platiti tržišnu cijenu za pohađanje nastave iz hrvatskoga jezika, dok je približno polovica te populacije spremna platiti nižu cijenu.

This explorative study examines whether the involvement of different stakeholders in South-East European basketball team activities significantly correlates with two crucial constructs often reported to be predictors of well-functioning teams in interacting sports, namely trust and cohesion among team members, and discusses what might cause these relationships. The Group Environment Questionnaire and a four-dimensional “competence-benevolence-integrity-predictability” trust scale were used for a sample of 73 basketball clubs from South-Eastern Europe (559 athletes, 73 head coaches, 73 directors). Correlation analyses showed that team cohesion is in a negative relationship with the influence of media, while trust within teams positively correlates with the influence of professional athletes in team activities. The trust relationship between athletes and coach is weaker in the case of private sponsors’ interference, while the coach's trust in the athletes positively correlates with the influence of volunteers. These findings combined with the literature review show that in the context of post-transitional South-East European sport clubs’ higher level of professionalisation appears to make it easier to achieve trustworthy relationships and higher team cohesion, while an increase in private sponsors’ interference might impair the coach–athletes relationship. The study provides a robust quantitative starting point and a set of new research questions for further examination of the causality between stakeholder activities and sport team dynamics, whereas from a practical point of view it points to relationships in need of greater attention in the stakeholder management process.

The article presents the criteria employed in distinguishing languages and, within the framework of structuralist and sociolinguistic perspectives, delves into the role of identification criteria in the context of the Croatian language. Through a critical analysis of the interpretation of various criteria in Croatian linguistics, the article uncovers the issue of arbitrariness in language differentiation. The author asserts that, as a product of society, language cannot exist without its specific cultural context and, therefore, concurs with the thesis that language is inevitably influenced by politics. Within the scope of the Croatian language, the article examines several differentiation criteria, including structural, genetic, standardization, mutual intelligibility, and, notably, the identification criterion. The latter appears to be the least ambiguous, aligning with the principle that a language belongs to the entire community of its speakers. However, practical application raises certain challenges. & Ccaron;lanak predstavlja mjerila koja se koriste pri razlikovanju jezika i, unutar okvira strukturalisti & ccaron;ke i sociolingvisti & ccaron;ke perspektive, istra & zcaron;uje ulogu identifikacijskog kriterija u kontekstu hrvatskog jezika. Kroz kriti & ccaron;ku analizu interpretacije razli & ccaron;itih kriterija u hrvatskoj lingvistici, & ccaron;lanak otkriva problem proizvoljnosti pri razlikovanju jezika. Autor tvrdi da jezik, kao proizvod dru & scaron;tva, ne mo & zcaron;e postojati bez svog specifi & ccaron;nog kulturnog konteksta te je stoga suglasan s tezom da je jezik uvijek neizbje & zcaron;no pod utjecajem politike. U okviru hrvatskoga jezika & ccaron;lanak prou & ccaron;ava nekoliko kriterija diferencijacije, uklju & ccaron;uju & cacute;i strukturalni, genetski, standardizacijski kriterij, kriterij me & dstrok;usobne razumljivosti i, posebno, identifikacijski kriterij. Potonji se & ccaron;ini najmanje dvosmislenim te skladan s na & ccaron;elom da je jezik vlasni & scaron;tvo & ccaron;itave zajednice govornika. Me & dstrok;utim, prakti & ccaron;na primjena implicira odre & dstrok;ene probleme. La artikolo prezentas la kriteriojn uzatajn por distingi lingvojn kaj, en la kadro de strukturistaj kaj socilingvistikaj perspektivoj, esploras la rolon de identigaj kriterioj kuntekste de la kroata lingvo. Per kritika analizo de interpretado de diversaj kriterioj en kroata lingvistiko, la artikolo esploras la demandon de arbitreco en lingva diferencigo. La a & ubreve;toro asertas, ke, pro tio, ke & gcirc;i estas socia produkto, lingvo ne povas ekzisti ekster sia specifa kultura kunteksto; kaj, sekve, la a & ubreve;toro konsentas kun la tezo, ke lingvo estas neeviteble influata de politiko. Ene de la limoj de la kroata lingvo, la artikolo ekzamenas plurajn diferencigajn kriteriojn, inkluzive tiujn pri strukturo, genetiko, normigo, reciproka kompreneblo, kaj, notinde, identigo. & Ccirc;i-lasta & scirc;ajnas esti la plej neambigua & ccirc;ar & gcirc;i kongruas kun la principo, ke lingvo apartenas al la tuta komunumo de siaj parolantoj. Tamen praktika aplikado estas iom defia.

The analysis delves into the complex legal intricacies surrounding the establishment of South Slavic state entities post-World War I, as international law of the time didn't fully encompass modern legal instruments defining international relations subjects. Nonetheless, legal arguments affirm the statehood of the State of SCS, formed within the former Austro-Hungarian Empire through legitimate representative bodies, despite lacking formal international recognition. The Croatian state transitioned governance under the National Council of SCS without abolishing its institutions. The analysis of the "December 1st Act" highlights procedural violations during the forming of the Kingdom of SCS, indicating a deviation from authorized scope, though it did not render the new state's government illegitimate. The negotiating process favored Serbian authorities, evident in the "Vidovdan" Constitution, yet it doesn't suffice to claim the State of SCS was annexed by the Kingdom of Serbia. Legally, there's little ambiguity, but disputes in international legal rulings and interpretations uncover internal political tensions and external pragmatic influences.

Članak prikazuje pozicioniranje slovenskih stranaka nakon izbora 1923., odnosno mijenjanje njihovih političkih taktika te unutarstranačko fragmentiranje. Autor pritom analizira implikacije tih modifikacija na odnos slovenskih političkih grupacija prema federalističkoj jugoslavenskoj ideji i najjačoj hrvatskoj političkoj grupaciji, Hrvatskoj (republikanskoj) seljačkoj stranci, te njezinu predsjedniku Stjepanu Radiću. Slovenske političke grupacije glede predmetnih pitanja nisu bile jedinstvene. Slovenski su konzervativci nastojali ojačati svoj položaj umjerenijim djelovanjem prema srpskim strankama te su nakon 1923., uslijed gubljenja povjerenja u Narodnu radikalnu stranku i slabih rezultata njihove hrvatske filijale, Hrvatske pučke stranke, pokušali redefinirati svoja politička partnerstva. Suradnja s Hrvatskom (republikanskom) seljačkom strankom ipak nikad nije postigla zavidnu razinu, za što je uzroke potrebno tražiti manje u ideološkim temeljima i nešto više u karakternoj nekompatibilnosti njihovih vođa. S druge su strane slovenski liberali, iako na ideološki iskrenim unitarističkim polazištima, kohezivni faktor s Radićem pronašli u protuvelikosrpstvu, koje je obilježilo njihovu suradnju sve do ljeta 1928. Komunisti su se pak, kako zbog vlastitih svjetonazora tako i zbog otvorenoga konflikta s državnim vlastima i djelovanja u ilegali, najradikalnije suprotstavljali unitarističkoj doktrini te su pritom simpatizirali s Hrvatskom republikanskom seljačkom strankom. U tom su se okviru bili spremni konfrontirati i sa srpskim dijelom Komunističke partije Jugoslavije.

U članku se analizira razvoj jugoslavenskih vizija u Slovenaca u periodu od početka 1918. do 1. prosinca iste godine, kada je stvorena Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca (Kraljevina SHS). To je, naime, razdoblje u kojem se Slovenska pučka stranka (SLS) postupno odriče koncepta Svibanjske deklaracije i uključivanja slovenskih teritorija u južnoslavensku jedinicu unutar Habsburške Monarhije, a potom prihvaća i koncept sjedinjenja sa Srbijom. Unatoč naizgled kohezivnom djelovanju Slovenaca, posebice onim između dominantnih struja slovenskih konzervativaca i liberala, različite su polove slovenske političke scene ipak razdvajale značajne ideološke razlike, koje su se reflektirale i na temeljne geopolitičke parametre zamišljene države. Pored toga su i unutar pojedinih struja postojali pojedinci ili stranački disidenti koji su razvijali alternativne jugoslavenske vizije, a ovaj članak prikazuje dvije od njih, ideju Ivana Šusteršiča i viziju Dragotina Gustinčiča. Autor pritom identificira njihove razlike u odnosu prema zahtjevima iz Svibanjske deklaracije te na kraju prikazuje okolnosti koje su presudno utjecale na način slovenskog sudjelovanja u kreiranju Kraljevine SHS.

Rad analizira ciljeve i taktike slovenskih političkih grupacija od Prvoprosinačkoga akta 1918. do izbora za Konstituantu u studenom 1920. Iako su na vanjskopolitičkom planu ciljevi slovenskih stranaka bili slični, a na unutarnjem su planu sve političke snage pretendirale na sudjelovanje u vlasti, proučavani period obilježili su brojni unutarstranački rascjepi. U Slovenskoj narodnoj stranci vladala je podjela na kritičare velikosrpske politike i oportuniste koji su pokušavali pripremiti poslijeizbornu koaliciju sa srpskim radikalima (Narodna radikalna stranka). Stranka je zahvaljujući ambiciji očuvanja kako statusa najjače slovenske političke opcije tako i koalicijskoga potencijala za participaciju u vlasti, što je nudilo bolju perspektivu za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva, ipak uspjela sačuvati organizacijsku cjelovitost. Istovremeno su se slovenski liberali, koji su za razliku od većine konzervativaca iskreno raširenih ruku dočekali Kraljevinu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, fragmentirali na više stranaka. Tome je doprinijelo očekivanje da će se na slovenskim područjima, uslijed uključivanja u južnoslavensku državu, povećati manevarski prostor za jugoslavensko-unitarističke političke snage, stoga je dio liberala krenuo u osvajanje rubnih segmenata biračkoga tijela koje je prije pripadalo konzervativcima. Prosječni slovenski birač, međutim, nije bio sklon unitarizmu te je najbolji izborni rezultat ostvarila liberalna opcija koja je u predizborno vrijeme naglašavala slovensku autonomiju. Relativno dobar rezultat postiže socijaldemokratski pol, unutar kojega također dolazi do rascjepa. Dok su se reformisti u kritikama usmjeravali direktno na slovensku političku konkurenciju, komunisti se odcjepljuju i odlučuju za radikalniji nastup prema Srbiji. Slovensku narodnu stranku kritiziraju tek implicitno, štoviše preuzimaju i dio njezina predratnoga programa i time bez većega izravnog sukoba ulaze upravo u njezino biračko tijelo.