Participation is often praised for strengthening democracy. In human rights policymaking, it is expected to enhance legitimacy and inclusion. However, recent scholarship questions whether more consultation necessarily improves outcomes, as emblematic constitution-making processes have fallen short of their intended goals. Does this also apply to understudied forms of participation, such as consultations on human rights? This article analyses public consultations in Chile's Second National Human Rights Action Plan, proposing a myth-based evaluative framework for similar processes. It explores the conditions under which consultations generate meaningful social, economic and political outcomes, offering insights for designing more effective participatory processes worldwide.

Climate change is often cited as a driver of violent conflict, yet its broader social impacts remain less understood. This paper reviews existing evidence and explores links between climate change, conflict and social sustainability-focusing on inclusion, resilience, cohesion and legitimacy. Using recent data, it examines associations between climate events, conflict and social sustainability without inferring causation. The findings suggest relationships across periods, samples and specifications: Conflict is associated with more severe climate impacts and weaker social outcomes, while the relationship between climate vulnerability and conflict is attenuated in places with stronger social sustainability. The sensitivity of these results warrants further attention. The paper concludes by outlining priorities for future research to better understand the complex social dimensions of climate change in conflict-affected contexts.

Economies embracing principles like nondiscrimination are presumed to reap significant rewards, while violations incur heavy costs. We call these benefits human rights economic dividends-the economic gains that arise when policymaking is guided by human rights principles. This article offers an initial quantification of that dividend by estimating the economic impact from the implementation of a recently approved bill in Ghana directly undermining the human rights of LGBTI people. We combine two approaches to estimate economic costs. Macro-level statistical analyses measure GDP losses from discrimination, while fiscal accounting quantifies public intervention costs under realistic scenarios. Summing both effects yields an estimated annual impact of 0.55% of GDP in 2024, equivalent to over USD 405 million each year. Aside from moral objections, the bill's economic burden and institutional demands are unsustainable.

This article examines how Artificial Intelligence's implicit biases related to gender, identity, and sexual orientation contribute to societal inequalities. It defines gender bias in AI, explores its data and algorithmic origins, and assesses its impact on service quality, behavior, and democratic values. The article offers a technical analysis of bias causes, effects, and mitigation strategies while highlighting societal implications. It introduces a conceptual input-output framework to map the distinct origins of bias within technological systems. It advocates for a multifaceted approach combining technical solutions, governance frameworks, and stakeholder engagement to address these ethical challenges and ensure fairness in AI systems.

This paper explores the links between conflict, land, and indigenous peoples on the island of Mindanao in the southern Philippines. The analysis takes advantage of the unprecedented concurrence of data from the 2020 census, an independent conflict data monitor for Mindanao, and administrative sources on ancestral land titling for indigenous peoples in the Philippines. While evidence elsewhere compellingly links land titling with conflict reduction, we find a more nuanced story in Mindanao using mixed methods. Conflicts, including land- and resource-related conflicts, are generally less likely in districts with higher shares of indigenous peoples. Ancestral domain areas also have a lower likelihood of general conflict but a higher likelihood of land-related conflict. Our econometric findings suggest that ancestral domain titling does not automatically solve land-related conflicts. Only fully awarded ancestral domain titles are—weakly—associated with reductions in land-related conflict. However, when administrative delays occur, titling is associated with sustained, rather than decreased, conflict.

Few dispute that development processes should be both economically and environmentally sustainable. Many also call for development to be socially sustainable, yet the contours, distinctiveness, and implications of this concept remain largely unspecified, certainly as it pertains to understanding and engaging with development processes. Development is socially sustainable, we argue, when all people feel part of the development process and believe that they and their descendants will benefit from it. Social sustainability's analytical distinctiveness inheres in its status as a 'club' (as opposed to a private or public) good, i.e. one wherein development outcomes are sought through the actions of groups whose membership is excludable but non-rival, yet whose identity, purpose, and status may shift over time. Ensuring that social groups nonetheless retain an enduring sense of cohesion, inclusion, and resilience - and accord legitimacy to development's inherently disruptive change processes - is crucial. Initiatives consistent with this approach are profiled.

This paper advances the understanding of the linkages between trust in government and citizen participation in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) using machine learning techniques and Latinobarómetro 2023 data. Empirically, we predict citizen participation based on trust levels, characteristics and circumstances of citizens. Proponents of the concept of stealth democracy argue that an inverse relationship exists between political trust and citizen participation, while deliberative democracy theorists claim the opposite. Based on our estimates, trust in national governments and other governmental institutions play neither a dominant nor consistent role in driving political participation. Interest in politics, personal circumstances such as experience of crime, and socioeconomic characteristics appear to drive citizen participation much more strongly in LAC. This is true across models imposing simple linear trends (Logit and Lasso) and those allowing for complex relations (decision trees). Results vary across types of participation—signing a petition, participation in demonstrations, or involvement in community issues. Ultimately, political trust can only influence political participation when certain other drivers are combined in some specific ways.

Multiple estimates exist of global monetary and multidimensional poverty, but populations at risk of social exclusion still lack a worldwide estimate. This paper fills this gap by providing the first estimates of the share and number of populations at risk of social exclusion worldwide. The paper contributes to the literature in three important respects. First, it develops a conceptual framework of social exclusion that emphasizes the relative, multidimensional, and dynamic features of exclusion. Second, it proposes a macro-counting methodology that allows measuring populations at risk of exclusion based on identity, circumstances, and socioeconomic conditions, while advancing a protocol to avoid double counting of individuals at risk of social exclusion. Third, the empirical strategy provides to the best of our knowledge, the first estimates of populations at risk of social exclusion by dimensions of exclusion on a global and regional scale. Overall, we estimate that between 2.33 and 2.43 billion people—roughly 32 per cent of the global population—are at risk of social exclusion. The South Asia and East Asia and Pacific regions contain 1.3 billion such people, with India and China alone home to 840 million of them. Meanwhile, 52 per cent of sub-Saharan Africa’s population is vulnerable to exclusion, the greatest share of any region. Our findings have important policy implications. While antipoverty policies can support household consumption and smooth its volatility among the poor, they are unlikely to address social exclusion stemming from ethnic, racial, or gender discrimination. Therefore, addressing exclusion necessitates a suite of multiple interventions tailored to distinct groups and sustained over time.

MotivationNational Human Rights Action Plans (NHRAPs) turn state commitments to human rights into policy. Despite their widespread implementation internationally, they remain little studied and there is limited consensus as to their effectiveness.PurposeThis article addresses this by using a political economy model to develop a framework to evaluate the success of NHRAPs. Within this framework it is argued that capacity, political structure, and political consensus are key drivers in the design and implementation of NHRAPs. We hypothesize that a country is likely to design and effectively use an NHRAP in policy-making if at least these three requirements are met: (1) they are built on political consensus; (2) their perceived political benefits exceed their costs; and (3) governments have adequate resources to design and implement them.Approach and methodsWe evaluate this hypothesis using Chile as a case study. In 2016, Chile enacted a national law mandating NHRAPs. Since then, the country has adopted two NHRAPs: one spanning 2018-2021 and another covering 2022-2025.FindingsNone of the three stipulated requirements were met in Chile. There was deep polarization rather than consensus building; the political costs of implementing an NHRAP exceeded the benefits; and key government bodies in Chile lacked the personnel and mandate to implement NHRAPs.Policy implicationsThis study advances our understanding of the nuances of designing public policies for human rights, and the complex political costs associated with them. Unless political actors are committed to investing political capital and resources, it is unlikely that these plans will succeed. Our political economy framework can be replicated across multiple national action plans, countries, and contexts. Future studies can identify contributing conditions that can mitigate political costs, increasing the likelihood of the success of these plans.

La sostenibilidad social es un concepto mal entendido y vagamente definido, a pesar de la creciente apreciación de su relevancia. Este artículo avanza en la comprensión empírica de la sostenibilidad social mediante la construcción de una base de datos global de 71 indicadores a través de 193 países y 37 territorios entre 2016 y 2020. Los indicadores se agrupan en cuatro dimensiones —inclusión social, resiliencia, cohesión social y legitimidad de los procesos— para las que construimos índices de medición. Un sencillo análisis empírico —basado en correlaciones y diagramas de dispersión— que utiliza nuestra base de datos confirma que la sostenibilidad social está negativa y fuertemente asociada a la pobreza (mientras que positivamente asociada con el ingreso per cápita).

Social sustainability is poorly understood and vaguely defined, despite growing appreciation for its relevance as a concept. This article advances our empirical understanding of social sustainability by constructing a global database of 71 indicators across 193 countries and 37 territories between 2016 and 2020. Indicators are flexibly clustered around four dimensions-social inclusion, resilience, social cohesion and process legitimacy-for which we construct measurement indices. A simple empirical analysis-based on correlations and scatterplots-using our database confirms that social sustainability is positively and strongly associated with per capita income; negatively and strongly associated with poverty; and negatively but weakly associated with income inequality. The interactions between dimensions merit further analysis, but our results underscore that social sustainability matters not only in itself but also to reduce poverty. Furthermore, extending access to markets, basic public services and social assistance needs to be complemented with strengthening process legitimacy and social cohesion if inequality is to be reduced.

This article constructed two spatial indices to better understand the interactions between social sustainability (an important but poorly defined concept) and exposure to climatic and environmental risks. The indices, and the Choropleth maps used to represent them, can be combined and operationalized across different country contexts to yield insights into how climate change and social vulnerabilities intersect and can be jointly addressed. The two indices were here applied to Vietnam, a country particularly exposed to climate change. While Vietnam is well-known for its vulnerability to changing temperatures and rising sea levels, there was huge variation within and between regions for these two risks. The analysis also found enormous spatial variation within the risks from precipitation, drought, deforestation, and air pollution. Social inclusion generally outperformed resilience and social cohesion, as well as empowerment in Vietnam. Our findings were robust for choices of indicators, weights, and aggregation specifications.

Proposes a definition of social sustainability grounded in the literature but aligned with global development priorities and World Bank institutional objectives, which includes (1) when all people feel part of the development process and believe they and their descendants will benefit from it; and (2) when communities and societies prove willing and able to work together to overcome challenges, deliver public goods, and allocate scarce resources in ways perceived as legitimate and fair by all so all people may thrive over time. This definition highlights four critical components of social sustainability: social cohesion, inclusion, resilience, and "process legitimacy." A cohesive society has high levels of trust, enabling it to work together to overcome challenges. An inclusive society allows all people to thrive. A resilient society can withstand shocks without significant losses to the well-being of current and future generations. Process legitimacy includes designing and implementing policies and programs that ensure fairness and credibility to all key stakeholders.

No AccessApr 2023Closing the Implementation GapAuthors/Editors: Patrick Barron, Louise Cord, José Cuesta, Sabina A. Espinoza, Greg Larson, and Michael WoolcockPatrick BarronSearch for more papers by this author, Louise CordSearch for more papers by this author, José CuestaSearch for more papers by this author, Sabina A. EspinozaSearch for more papers by this author, Greg LarsonSearch for more papers by this author, and Michael WoolcockSearch for more papers by this authorhttps://doi.org/10.1596/978-1-4648-1946-9_ch3AboutView ChaptersFull TextPDF (0.7 MB) ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack Citations ShareFacebookTwitterLinked In Abstract: Outlines the common operational challenges that factor into programming for social sustainability, providing an overview of interventions from World Bank experience, as well as that of other development organizations, that have proven effective at fostering cohesion, inclusion, and resilience. While not comprehensive, the country examples highlight some of the most effective and innovative efforts to date, with the understanding and expectation that new insights will emerge in the years to come. Three high-level, overarching priorities for supporting process legitimacy require attention in order to ensure that efforts to promote social sustainability work within the context of existing norms and values and prove fair, credible, and acceptable by all members and groups in a society: (1) understand the policy arena; (2) work with all key stakeholders; and (3) engage for the long haul. Social norms can shape people’s motivations and incentives to engage in change, and thus interventions require sensitivity to the social and normative context of their implementation. ReferencesAcemoglu, D, A Cheema, A Khwaja, and J Robinson. 2020. “Trust in State and Nonstate Actors: Evidence from Dispute Resolution in Pakistan.” Journal of Political Economy 128 (8): 3090–147. 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This article develops a child-specific fiscal incidence analysis to quantify the child poverty reduction impacts of public spending and taxes in Belarus, a country with a much higher (and rising) incidence of poverty among children but a clear fiscal commitment towards eradicating child poverty. Our analysis shows that the overall fiscal system in Belarus effectively reduces poverty among children. However, the complexity of social assistance in Belarus leads to a remarkably wide range of impacts on monetary child poverty. The focus on certain households (with children ages 0–2) comes at the expense of households with other vulnerable children (households with multiple children, one parent households and households in rural councils). Policy simulations suggest that increasing access to the means-tested targeted social assistance for all poor households with children and removing the current 6-month restriction would lead to a complete elimination of child poverty at a very low additional fiscal cost.