This article addressed the question of the role played by certain cognitive and affective factors in explaining the differences in scarcity mindsets of Gen Z, Millennials, and the Pre-millennial generations. Three cognitive factors, namely, horizontal individualism, belief in a just world and a spiritual belief factor, anasakti (non-attachment) along with five affective factors, personal relative deprivation, greed, need for achievement, positive and negative emotions were used as predictors of the scarcity mindsets. Pre-millennials showed a weaker scarcity mindset compared to the Millennials, who among the three had the strongest scarcity mindset. In the case of Gen Z, a downward trend in the scarcity mindset was observed. Male respondents had stronger scarcity mindset than females. Sequential Regression Analysis was used to understand the role played by cognitive and affective factors in predicting scarcity mindset for each generation. It found that cognitive factors were better predictors than affective factors in the case of all three generations. In the case of Gen Z, belief in a just world and anasakti significantly predicted a weak scarcity mindset. Belief in a just world also predicted a weaker scarcity mindset in case of the Millennials and Pre-millennial generations. Personal relative deprivation, an affective factor, was significantly associated with a weak scarcity mindset in the case of Millennials but inversely for the Pre-millennials. A high need for achievement raised the level of scarcity mindset, but only for the Millennial generation. Horizontal individualism and greed did not come out as significant predictors of the scarcity mindset for any generation. The results are discussed in the changing context of globalisation and the digital revolution.

This chapter explores the progressive development of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) before and during the establishment of the diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (DSM). In addition, this chapter also tried to investigate the evolution of natural medicines or therapies of PTSD. Findings of the researches showed that significant historical events like wars were the major reasons behind getting recognition of PTSD among worldwide societies. It has a long history as well as existed in different forms and names among human beings. It takes a long time to get the identity, position, and recognition across the different editions of DSM. With the addition of PTSD under trauma and stressor related disorder in the 5th edition of DSM, a large number of PTSD cases were identified and produced as compared to the previous editions of DSM. Moreover, holistic treatment and complementary and alternative medicine approaches were more effective treatment for PTSD and help to nullify the symptoms of PTSD. Ayurveda, meditation, yoga, animals, forest bathing, and ocean therapies were used more for dealing with combat veterans suffering from PTSD.

Kartavya is an important Indian cultural concept which governs social relationships in India. Kartavya expresses itself as a selfless act in the service of attainment of larger societal good. This article, at first, attempts to locate the concept of kartavya in the Indian religio-philosophical text and follows it up by examining how it is understood by lay people through three life narratives. Finally, an attempt is made to understand its nuanced meaning in relationship with the concepts of anāsakti and duty.

This article presents findings of two studies that investigated coping with physical disability within the multivariate transactional model of stress. In the first study, 30 persons with locomotor disability were interviewed to explore the nature of stressors and coping strategies. In the second study, five scales were administered on a sample of 120 persons with locomotor disability to investigate the role of personal and situational variables in determining the extent of perceived distress and its relationship with coping. The manner in which anāsakti and positive life orientation moderated the relationship between perceived distress and coping was also investigated. The findings revealed that the major stressors which led to distress were ego-related stressors, inability to fulfil traditional gender roles, problems in interpersonal relationships with family and others, physical barriers and deformed body image. Education was found to be the strongest predictor of perceived distress and problem-focused coping was significantly related to lower levels of distress. Moderation analyses showed that with stronger belief in the philosophy of anāsakti and higher positive life orientation, lower levels of distress were strongly related to problem focused coping. The impli-cations of these findings for psycho-social rehabilitation of persons with physical disability are discussed.

This study investigates cultural beliefs about physical disability prevalent in a rural community in India. An equal number of respondents (n = 32 each) of Allahabad district were drawn from families having a child with a disability and those having no member with a disability. Interviews were conducted to study disability related attitudes, perceptions and practices. The results reveal that the families with disabled children expressed fatalistic attitudes and external dependence, that is, expected external agencies to cater to their rehabilitation needs. The implications of these findings for developing rehabilitation programmes in rural areas are discussed.

This study examined the health consequences of an indigenous concept "Anāsakti" which means non-attachment. The scale measuring anāsakti was based on the characteristics of a man of steady wisdom "the sthitaprajña", described in the Bhagvad Gītā. It was hypothesised that those higb on anāsakti would experience less distress and exhibit fewer symptoms of strain when faced with stressful life events. Results showèd tbat anāsakt subjects were less distressed and exhibited fewer symptoms of ill health. Anāsakti was also found to be the most significant predictor of strain symptoms.

This paper presents lessons that were learnt while carrying out a CBR project for rehabilitation of physically disabled members of a village community. The outcomes of this project are narrated in a reflective manner without categorising them as either achievements or failures. The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to share our understanding of the performance of a CBR programme. "The modest amount published about CBR continues to be mostly on 'What A great Job we Did', i.e. the heroic struggle to get things going, urgent pleas for funds to expand, anecdotes from grateful clients, etc. No doubt this literature has its place, but the genre seldom contains any serious, critical thinking" (1). For over five years during the early nineties we were committed to setting up a Community Based Rehabilitation (CBR) project at Sirathu (a village district bordering western Uttar Pradesh, India), a region which was till then unexposed to voluntary initiatives by any formal agency. We came across many opinions in matters related to CBR, which communicated to us the merits and viability of community based approaches in meeting challenges of disability. There were many written reports documenting success of such initiatives. For us, who were stepping out of an academic department into the "real" world for the first time, such informed opinions and narratives of success had a great inspirational import. Driven by the zeal to align psychological knowledge to needs and aspirations of people, we ventured out, made commitments, formalised plans and strategies, made efforts to enter into the community, solicited support and carried out many activities in the name of CBR. We were elated when the programme moved along predicted lines but most of the times remained confused for it would digress in unforeseen trajectories. All through, the programme oscillated between achievements and failures as did our "sense-making" of its outcomes. It is only after the programme has caved in for reasons that this paper would enumerate after a while, that we feel the need to reflect and narrate the story of the programme performance. We are doing it at a cost; there are apprehensions of being seen as initiators of a social action programme who were more enthusiastic than informed, those who made mistakes but did not pause to correct them and now are indulging in the luxury of reflection when threats of either losing face or cessation of funds *