The isotope analysis of human dental enamel has become an essential tool in forensic and archaeological science for reconstructing childhood diet, mobility, and geographic provenance. Enamel forms during early life and does not remodel, permanently incorporating isotopic values such as 513C, 518O, and 87Sr/86Sr ingested at the time. The majority of studies rely on a singular bulk enamel sample from an individual to determine birthplace, but this approach overlooks isotope variation within the enamel. This study aims to enhance enamel isotope analysis by constructing and expanding incremental enamel sampling techniques to track childhood mobility and diet at a higher resolution. The Plomp et al. (2020) methodology for third molars (M3) was replicated and applied to first molars (M1), with the addition of a fourth sampling increment near the enamel-root junction. A new standardised method for hand-drilled incremental sampling of canines was also developed, guided by thin sections of enamel growth patterns. While molars yielded overlapping increments due to complex growth patterns and wear, canines provided up to four distinct, minimally overlapping increments spanning 1.5-7 years of age. These methods effectively capture gradual and abrupt shifts in mobility and diet in time-resolved order, which are not detectable in bulk samples. The results suggest that canines may offer improved chronological resolution compared to molars due to the latter's growth complexity and more substantial wear. This study demonstrates the potential of incremental enamel sampling for reconstructing individual life histories and aiding the identification of unknown individuals in forensic contexts.

Multi-isotope analysis on various body tissues is increasingly used in archaeology and palaeontology to provide valuable information about an individual’s life-history at different temporal resolutions (isobiographies). This paper presents the dietary and mobility reconstruction and anthropological study of a recently identified Magdalenian child from Los Canes cave (Asturias, Spain), through conventional osteological analysis, sequential stable carbon and nitrogen (𝛿13C and 𝛿15N) isotope analysis of tooth dentine and strontium (87Sr/86Sr) analysis of tooth enamel from an upper deciduous canine, accompanied by 𝛿13C and 𝛿15N measurements of bone collagen from an incomplete mandible, posited to belong to the same individual. Modern plants and snail shells from several geological units are used to estimate the regional bioavailable strontium isotope (BASr) baseline. The anthropological characteristics of the tooth and mandible (including other teeth) are compatible with a child of 2–4 years of age. Sequential 𝛿13C and 𝛿15N isotope values show an increase during the first months of life, attributed to exclusive breastfeeding. After eight months, isotope values decrease progressively, suggesting the beginning of the weaning period. High 𝛿15N values identified throughout the whole isotope sequence suggest a substantial intake of high-level protein linked to the mother consuming marine resources, and/or their use as weaning foods. The 87Sr/86Sr ratios are consistent with the individual spending the earliest months of life close to Los Canes cave. Finally, when comparing the 𝛿13C and 𝛿15N isotope values to other Magdalenian human data, the Los Canes individual shows the highest 𝛿15N values so far known for the period, suggesting a significant contribution of marine resources to diet during the Late Upper Palaeolithic of the Cantabrian region.

Plague is among the most devastating diseases in human history1. However, early strains of the plague-causing bacterium Yersinia pestis lacked virulence factors that are required for the bubonic form until around 3,800 years ago2,3. Consequently, the morbidity and mortality of early plague strains remain unclear. Here we describe early plague strains that are associated with two phases of outbreaks among mid-Holocene hunter-gatherers near Lake Baikal in southeast Siberia, beginning from about 5,500 years ago. These outbreaks occur across four hunter-gatherer cemeteries, with a 39% detection rate for plague infection. By reconstructing kinship pedigrees, we show that small familial groups were affected, consistent with human-to-human spread of disease, and that the first outbreak occurred within a single generation. The infections appear to have resulted in acute mortality, especially among children (aged 8 to 11 years). We further note functional differences, including in the ypm superantigen locus, which is also present in present day Yersinia pseudotuberculosis. The new strains diverge ancestrally to known Y. pestis and constrain the timing of its emergence, indicating that this happened before approximately 5,700 years ago. These findings show that plague outbreaks happened earlier than previously thought and were indeed lethal. We contend that the occurrence of outbreaks among mid-Holocene hunter-gatherer communities well outside the sphere of Late Neolithic Europe challenges the notion that higher population densities and lifestyle changes during the Neolithic agricultural transition were prerequisites for plague epidemics.

A 350 14 C yr discrepancy was found between dates on postcranial remains and mandibular teeth on what was thought to be the same individual from the Early Neolithic cemetery of Shamanka II, Lake Baikal. Stable nitrogen isotope results suggested a major shift in diet between childhood (when the teeth formed) and adulthood (represented by the postcrania), which could have resulted in different 14 C ages through a freshwater reservoir effect. Subsequent additional dating on the mandible and postcranial elements, however, indicated that the mandible actually belonged to a different individual. More subtle reservoir effects can be seen on the sequentially forming teeth and mandible. The practice by prehistoric hunter-gatherers of Lake Baikal of re-opening graves and removing cranial elements has long been known, but this is the first evidence for the inclusion of a mandible from a separate individual, though whether it was intentional or incidental is uncertain. As well as providing new insights into mid-Holocene mortuary practices in the region, our findings raise a cautionary note for the examination of disturbed graves.

The rise of zoonotic diseases in prehistory is often associated with the Neolithic agricultural transition. In particular, plague has been linked to population declines in Late Neolithic Europe. Although plague is amongst the most devastating diseases in human history, early strains of Yersinia pestis, the causal agent of plague, lack virulence factors required for the bubonic form, and their severity remains unclear. Here, we describe the oldest strains of plague reported so far, associated with two early phases of outbreaks among prehistoric hunter-gatherers in the Lake Baikal region in East Siberia, beginning from ~5600-5400 years ago (cal. BP). These outbreaks occur across four hunter-gatherer cemeteries; the largest of these (Ust'-Ida I) has a 38.7% detection rate for plague infection (39% detection across all sites). By reconstructing kinship pedigrees, we show that small familial groups are affected, consistent with human-to-human spread of the disease, and the first outbreak occurred within a single generation. Intriguingly, the infections appear to have resulted in acute mortality events, especially among children. Zoonotic transmission is separately indicated by a Brucella infection in one of the children. Interestingly, we see differences in functional genomic variants in the prehistoric plague strains, including in the ypm superantigen known from Y. pseudotuberculosis today. The new strains diverge ancestrally to all known Y. pestis diversity and push back the Y. pestis divergence from Y. pseudotuberculosis by some 2000 years. Our results show that plague outbreaks happen earlier than previously thought and that these early outbreaks were indeed lethal. The findings challenge the common notion that high population densities and lifestyle changes during the Neolithic transition were prerequisites for plague epidemics. ### Competing Interest Statement The authors have declared no competing interest.

Countering the passive representation of rivers in many previous accounts of later prehistory – as static vessels for spectacular deposits, highways for transport and communication, and backdrops for settlement and farming – this paper asks if and how rivers actively shaped prehistoric lives. Rivers have long been hailed as conduits for prehistoric materials and ideas. However, positive archaeological correlates of the processes involved are notoriously difficult to identify and have rarely been scrutinised in detail. Using the example of Late Bronze and Early Iron Age pottery in the east of England (1150–350 bc ), we examine in detail how prehistoric pottery-making traditions cohered around river valleys over an extended time period and were thus, to a certain extent, generated by rivers. Drawing on wider evidence for the flow of people and things in this region we build a broader multi-dimensional account of how people, objects, and practices moved in a period of diverse lifeways in which the makeup of human mobility is not well understood. In doing so, we hope to tether abstract arguments about the active role of rivers and other non-human elements in shaping past lives and to approach the often missing ‘middle ground’ – small-scale movements at local and regional scales – in existing archaeological discussions about mobility.

Changes in diet and mobility isotopes from the Late Iron Age or Pre-Viking phase (PVP, AD 550-790) through the Viking Age (VA, AD 790-1050) and Late Norse phase (LNP, AD 1050-1300) can be used to suggest nuanced socioeconomic and politicalchange, including differences in subsistence practices and social constructs of ethnicity, religion and status [1-7]. We present here isotopic analysis on some 292 individuals from 10 sites across Orkney, including 152 individuals newly analysed for S 13 C and S 15 N from bone collagen and 54 individuals analysed for S 18 O and 87 Sr/ 86 Sr from tooth enamel, in addition to data from previous studies. In addition to the human remains, 29 plant samples were collected to supplement the geologicalbaseline for strontium isotopes. This study provides new results as evidence of increased S 13 C and S 15 N at the end of the first millennium, with dietary differences between 'local' and 'non-local' individuals.

Ancient DNA is a valuable tool for investigating genetic and evolutionary history that can also provide detailed profiles of the lives of ancient individuals. In this study, we develop a generalised computational approach to detect aneuploidies (atypical autosomal and sex chromosome karyotypes) in the ancient genetic record and distinguish such karyotypes from contamination. We confirm that aneuploidies can be detected even in low-coverage genomes ( ~ 0.0001-fold), common in ancient DNA. We apply this method to ancient skeletal remains from Britain to document the first instance of mosaic Turner syndrome (45,X0/46,XX) in the ancient genetic record in an Iron Age individual sequenced to average 9-fold coverage, the earliest known incidence of an individual with a 47,XYY karyotype from the Early Medieval period, as well as individuals with Klinefelter (47,XXY) and Down syndrome (47,XY, + 21). Overall, our approach provides an accessible and automated framework allowing for the detection of individuals with aneuploidies, which extends previous binary approaches. This tool can facilitate the interpretation of burial context and living conditions, as well as elucidate past perceptions of biological sex and people with diverse biological traits.

Analyses of radiocarbon dates (all corrected for the freshwater reservoir effect) and associated stable isotope values obtained from the skeletal remains of ~560 individuals provide many new insights about Middle Holocene hunter-gatherers (HG) of the Cis-Baikal region, Eastern Siberia. The new radiocarbon evidence clarifies the culture history of the region by defining better the boundaries between the chronological (archaeological periods) and cultural (mortuary traditions) units, as well as our understanding of the transitions between them. Furthermore, differences between the four archaeological micro-regions with regard to the timing and duration of these culture historical units have come into focus for the first time. In terms of dietary patterns, the Early Neolithic foragers of the Angara and Southwest Baikal trended towards a greater reliance on aquatic foods. A similar trend was found in the Late Neolithic Isakovo group on the Angara, while the Late Neolithic Serovo group in the Little Sea trended towards an increased dietary reliance on terrestrial game. In the Early Bronze Age HG, a mosaic of dietary patterns was found: some groups experienced dietary shifts (frequently emphasizing different foods), while other groups displayed stability. Such differences were found even between close neighbours. All these results suggest significant variation in patterns of culture change within and between archaeological periods, mortuary traditions, and micro-regions. Some cultural patterns developed at a quick pace, others much more slowly; some appear to have collapsed rapidly, while others probably went through a more gradual transition to a different pattern. Additionally, this large set of radiocarbon dates allows novel insights into patterns of cemetery use: some seem to have been used continuously, others only sporadically, and some show long periods of disuse. Moreover, some cemeteries of the same mortuary tradition were apparently in use substantially earlier than others were even established. In sum, Cis-Baikal Middle Holocene HG strategies underwent a range of changes not only at the boundaries between relevant culture historical units but also within such units. New insights suggest considerable spatio-temporal variation in the nature, pace, and timing of these developments.

Journal of the Royal Anthropological InstituteVolume 29, Issue 1 p. 210-211 Book reviews Kim, Nam C. & Marc, Kissel. Emergent warfare in our evolutionary past. xv, 218 pp., maps, tables, illus., bibliogr. London: Routledge, 2018. £34.99 (paper) Rick J. Schulting, Rick J. Schulting University of OxfordSearch for more papers by this author Rick J. Schulting, Rick J. Schulting University of OxfordSearch for more papers by this author First published: 31 January 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9655.13871Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume29, Issue1March 2023Pages 210-211 RelatedInformation

Many of the most significant archaeological sites in Europe were excavated by antiquarians over one hundred years ago. Modern museum collections therefore frequently contain human remains that were recovered during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Here we apply multi-isotope analysis (87Sr/86Sr, δ18O, δ13C, δ15N) and 14C dating to evaluate the provenance of human remains within a collection that is thought to have been recovered from one of the most important archaeological sites in Britain. Excavated in 1910, the site of Coldrum in Kent is a megalithic burial monument that may be one of the earliest sites associated with the transition to farming in Britain. The interpretation of this site is therefore key to understanding how agriculture began. Using isotope analysis we show that although the human skeletal collections attributed to Coldrum do contain some of the earliest dated Neolithic human remains in Britain, they also contain the remains of individuals of fifth to seventh centuries AD date. We evaluate subsistence and mobility patterns of early Neolithic populations and provide new information about the origins of those individuals in the collection that date to the fifth to seventh centuries AD. We demonstrate the utility of employing isotope analysis to provide direct and independent information about the provenance of human remains in museum collections.

This paper presents the first systematic study of pre-Columbian imported stone celts recovered from the limestone islands of the Lucayan archipelago, comprising The Bahamas and the Turks and Caicos Islands of the northern Caribbean/West Atlantic. The majority derive from antiquarian collections and early archaeological investigations, prior to the destruction of many sites due to guano mining and development; only a handful have been recovered during archaeological investigations since the 1960s. The corpus includes 224 celts, of which 162 are complete and provide the measurements for a comparison with width/length ratios of celts from the proximate source islands of Cuba and Hispaniola. While the Lucayan archipelago shows a slightly higher proportion of wider celts, consistent with more reworking, overall the corpus suggests that exchange networks were sufficient to meet demand. This conclusion is supported by the absence of any clear diminution in size with distance from sources. The majority of stone celts (71.9 %) have been identified as various forms of "jade," supplemented with a range of other materials. Despite the higher value often attributed to jade cross-culturally, we find no clear evidence for its differential treatment, though the archipelago's northern islands do have a lower proportion of jade versus non-jade celts.

A recent paper by Bownes et al. (2017, Radiocarbon 59(5): 1275–1294) used the Bayesian modelling software package FRUITS (Fernandes et al. 2014, PLoS ONE 9(2): e87436) to argue that Neolithic individuals from Carding Mill Bay on the west coast of Scotland obtained up to ca. 21% dietary protein from marine sources. This is in contrast to previous interpretations of the same isotopic (δ13C and δ15N) data, which concluded that these individuals showed little if any use of marine resources (Schulting and Richards 2002, European Journal of Archaeology 5(2): 147–189). Resolving this discrepancy is important for our understanding of the nature of the Mesolithic–Neolithic transition not only on the west coast of Scotland, but along all of Atlantic Europe, since similar isotopic results to those obtained at Carding Mill Bay are widespread throughout the Neolithic and indeed later periods. We suggest that greater caution needs to be excercised in the interpretation of the output of Bayesian palaeodietary modelling, which can be very useful heuristically, but should not always be taken at face value. Given the large number of parameters employed in such models (diet isotopic values and nutrient concentrations, trophic level and tissue fractionations, etc.) and the uncertainty involved in almost all of them, a wide range of outcomes are possible, as we demonstrate in this paper. We reaffirm the overwhelmingly terrestrial nature of diet at Carding Mill Bay both through FRUITS modelling and through the new application of compound-specific δ13C analysis of single amino acids of humans and fauna from the site.

Hunter-gatherer archaeology typically focusses on the details of subsistence strategies and material culture and, in the case of cemeteries, on various aspects of mortuary practices, beliefs, and social differentiation. This paper aims to look rather at patterns of change over time and space in how past hunter-gatherer cemeteries were used from Late Mesolithic to Early Bronze Age (~8600–3500 cal BP) in the Cis-Baikal region of Eastern Siberia. The approach is based on a Kernel Density Estimate methodology applied to 560 radiocarbon dates obtained for individual burials from 65 cemeteries and representing 5 distinct mortuary traditions. This enables a number of different types of analysis to be performed at different scales: (1) It is possible to examine the overall tempo of burial events at each cemetery or a group of cemeteries; (2) Within each cemetery the spatial patterns of the sequence of graves and burials can be analyzed further; (3) It is possible to compare the different cemetery-specific chronologies within the microregional or regional context; and (4) Although tentatively at this time, the spatiotemporal pattern of cemetery use over the whole region can be visualised. The spatiotemporal analysis of individual cemeteries shows that each one had its own pattern, some very distinct and clear in their characteristics, which relate to the role the cemetery played for the local group, and within the microregional or regional population. On the regional scale some broader patterns such as shifts in frequency of burial events between microregions within mortuary traditions are visible. However, at this scale the existing sampling biases require caution in assessment of the results and future fieldwork will help improve the analysis and insights. On the other hand, many of the individual cemeteries have been excavated in full and such comprehensive datasets already provide a range of entirely new and important insights into cemetery use by the Middle Holocene hunter-gatherers of Cis-Baikal.

Extinct lineages of Yersinia pestis , the causative agent of the plague, have been identified in several individuals from Eurasia between 5000 and 2500 years before present (BP). One of these, termed the ‘LNBA lineage’ (Late Neolithic and Bronze Age), has been suggested to have spread into Europe with human groups expanding from the Eurasian steppe. Here, we show that the LNBA plague was spread to Europe’s northwestern periphery by sequencing three Yersinia pestis genomes from Britain, all dating to ~4000 cal BP. Two individuals were from an unusual mass burial context in Charterhouse Warren, Somerset, and one individual was from a single burial under a ring cairn monument in Levens, Cumbria. To our knowledge, this represents the earliest evidence of LNBA plague in Britain documented to date. All three British Yersinia pestis genomes belong to a sublineage previously observed in Bronze Age individuals from Central Europe that had lost the putative virulence factor yapC . This sublineage is later found in Eastern Asia ~3200 cal BP. While the severity of the disease is currently unclear, the wide geographic distribution within a few centuries suggests substantial transmissibility.

Major complications in the palaeopathological analysis of burnt human remains include distinguishing whether bone was fresh or dry at the time of burning, and whether trauma/damage was inflicted ‘perimortem’ or postmortem. Some prehistoric societies are suggested to have defleshed human remains prior to cremation, mostly classified based on the lack of warping and thumbnail fractures. The distinction between perimortem and postmortem sharp force trauma (SFT) characteristics has rarely been investigated on burnt bones. This study investigates whether these features are distinguishable on burnt bone, as well as assessing the rate of cutmark survival, and the presence of heat-induced fractures in relation to the bone’s pre-burnt collagen content. Pig ( Sus scrofa domesticus ) tibiae were left to decay in a field for 14, 34, 91, 180, and 365 days in Wytham Woods, Oxfordshire, UK. Prior to burning, bones were inflicted with SFT by a non-serrated and partially serrated knife and a flint blade ( N = 15/bone). Fleshed bones with cutmarks and bones without trauma served as controls. Cutmark survival, features, and heat-induced fractures were recorded on the burnt bones and compared with the collagen extracted from unburnt bones at the abovementioned time intervals. Statistical analysis included linear regression and MANOVA. Heat-induced fractures did not depend on the limited collagen loss during the 1-year postmortem inverval (PMI) prior to burning. There was a loss (mean 18.4%) of identifiable cutmarks after burning. Significant alterations in the cutmark characteristics appeared after 6 months of exposure in burnt bones, marked by the increase in postmortem features, which can inform on the pre-burning PMI.

This paper explores the nature and extent of conflict in Late Neolithic Europe based on expanded skeletal evidence for violence from the San Juan ante Portam Latinam rockshelter in present-day Spain (ca. 3380–3000 cal. BC). The systematic osteological re-examination has identified 65 unhealed and 89 healed traumas—of which 77 were previously undocumented—consistent with aggression. They affect 23.1% of the 338 individuals represented. Adolescent and adult males are particularly affected (44.9% of the 107 identified), comprising 97.6% of unhealed trauma and 81.7% of healed trauma recorded in individuals whose sex could be estimated and showing higher frequencies of injuries per individual than other demographic subgroups. Results suggest that many individuals, essentially men, were exposed to violence and eventually killed in battle and raids, since warriorship is mainly restricted to this demographic in many societies. The proportion of casualties is likely to have been far greater than indicated by the 10.1% individuals exhibiting unhealed trauma, given the presence of isolated cases of unhealed postcranial trauma and of arrowheads potentially having impacted into soft tissues. This, together with skeletal indicators of poor health and the possible socioeconomic outcomes evidenced in the region, suggest wider social impacts, which may relate to a more sophisticated and formalized way of warfare than previously appreciated in the European Neolithic record.

While commonly used in the identification of 'non-locals', strontium isotopes (87Sr/86Sr) can also inform on landscape use by the local community. Here, we report strontium isotope and concentration values for 24 Bronze Age cremations from Dunragit, Southwest Scotland, together with measurements on 23 modern plants to refine the available regional isoscape. Aside from one or two marginal outliers that might indicate the presence of non-locals, the results are largely consistent with the regional catchment. Dividing the 87Sr/86Sr results by period, however, shows a clear difference between the Early (2200–1700/1600 cal BC) and Middle (1700/1600–1200 cal BC) Bronze Ages, with the latter being slightly but significantly more radiogenic on average. There is also a marked shift in the relationship between 87Sr/86Sr and elemental Sr concentration values. This suggests a change over time in which parts of the surrounding landscape were emphasised for subsistence, primarily as this relates to arable farming given that plants are the main source of strontium. We employ a novel method of spatial assignments at the community level to visualise the shift in landscape use between the two periods.