The transition to a wage-based economy has altered the traditional sharing of country food practiced in many Northern communities, yet the degree of impact is relatively unknown. The trading of traditionally shared foods may not benefit everyone equally in the community, and decreased sharing may negatively impact vulnerable households that historically received food through the sharing networks. Sharing behaviour may also be linked to spatiotemporal variation in the availability of harvested species, the cost of hunting and fishing and labour market status of harvesters. We present the results of a multi-year harvest study paired with a socio-economic survey conducted in Gjoa Haven, Nunavut. We strive to identify the direct and indirect costs associated with harvesting country food, socioeconomic barriers to harvesting, seasonal trends in harvesting, and how these factors interact to influence sharing behaviour. We investigate the costs and benefits of hunting and fishing efforts, and the relationship between employment and harvest and sharing practices. We examine the distribution of country food, and how sharing varies by season, type of hunter, group size and mode of transport. We discuss insights for current hunter support and food security programmes, and a potential guaranteed basic income for households in a mixed economy.

To promote inclusivity, relevance and actionability of environmental research, scholars are engaging with rightsholders and stakeholders (Indigenous groups, governments and individuals) to co-produce research. These transdisciplinary approaches represent diverse forms of 'engaged' research (e.g. community-engaged research, braiding Indigenous science and knowledge and Western science-based knowledge, workshops with decision-makers). Acknowledging the diversity in aims and approaches to transdisciplinary research, this study surveyed a broad group of Canadian environmental researchers (n = 61) to understand: their motivations and objectives for engagement, how they manage engagement processes, how they assess the success of engagement, and the insights they would highlight for others interested in engaging in various forms of knowledge co-production. We used qualitative methods to identify key themes and supported our findings with quantitative measures (i.e. frequency and proportion of participants who gave particular responses). We found that the motivations, geographic context, and practical experiences of researchers were diverse. A strong theme was the value of reciprocity. Recurring advice included the importance of understanding the research context and actor landscape prior to contacting collaborators, conducting iterative discussions with research collaborators to scope and plan the project, and being sure to locate the individuals or entities that may hold key knowledge or the ability to grant permissions. We note the importance of paying close attention to power asymmetries during the research process. Dialogue with stakeholders, rightsholders and communities is time-consuming. Devoting adequate time for building and maintaining relationships to achieve a requisite level of trust is essential, but can be challenging for all parties. We conclude that there is no substitute for one-on-one mentoring for learning and understanding how to lead ethical and effective knowledge co-production processes. Researchers setting out to collaborate with stakeholders, rightsholders, and communities must learn the norms, rules, and social dynamics of a given context and culture-and they should seek out experienced counsel for preparation and coaching before engaging in collaborations.Read the free for this article on the Journal blog.

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This paper explores how policies and programs can better support country food security and food sovereignty in Gjoa Haven, Nunavut. Through a series of six focus groups with a total of 74 participants, we explore the challenges that Elders, youth, hunters, food preparers, and program providers face in the access, availability, quality, and use of country food. Despite the diverse representation among focus groups, participants revealed similar challenges across demographics and highlighted how tailored policies and programs can provide complementary solutions that serve more than one purpose. We argue that policies and programs targeting financial and economic challenges; resources and infrastructure; and skills and knowledge will improve country food security and will promote food sovereignty. Ultimately, policies and programs must be community informed and tailored to their current context and community dynamics. However, the recommendations we provide could be adapted to other Arctic communities experiencing similar challenges.

Contemporary scientific and technological endeavours face public and political pressure to adopt open, transparent and democratically accountable practices of public engagement. Prior research has identified different ways that experts 'imagine publics' - as uninformed, as disengaged, as a risk to science, and as co-producers of knowledge - but there has yet to be a systematic exploration of how these views emerge, interact and evolve. This article introduces a typology of imagined publics to analyse how publics are constructed in the field of forest genomics. We find that deficit views of publics have not been replaced by co-production. Instead, deficit and co-productive approaches to publics co-exist and overlap, informing both how publics are characterized and how public perceptions are studied. We outline an agenda for deepening and expanding research on public perceptions of novel technologies. Specifically, we call for more diverse and complex methodological approaches that account for relational dynamics over time.

Canada and Germany are both pursuing major energy transitions and far-reaching climate programs but differ in terms of policies towards some energy sources and their preferred policy instruments. Both countries have committed to large scale emission reductions despite the challenge of regional divestment from fossil fuels: hard coal in North Rhine Westphalia and the Saarland; lignite in the Rhineland, on the German-Polish border in the Lusatsia (Lausitz) region, and in central Germany; coal in Alberta, Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia; and oil in Western Canada. We contrast the current Pan Canadian framework (PCF) on Clean Growth and Climate Change to the German Climate Law and the European Green Deal setting targets to become climate neutral by 2050. Germany has plans for a dual phase out of nuclear energy by 2022 and coal by 2038. In contrast, Canada differs by province in terms of policies on fossil fuels and nuclear energy. Both are leaders in renewable energies, but differ in the type of renewable energy which dominates. We further examine the international action components of the PCF and its implications for collaboration with Germany and the EU. We discuss potential partnerships and strategic alliances between Canada and Germany in the context of their mutual interest to enable an energy transition and to lead to the implementation of the Paris agreement for climate change action. We identify political challenges within each federation, and especially the approach to impacted coal regions in Germany and Poland as well as the Canadian oil sands. Barriers to progress for meeting identified targets and timelines are considered. We conclude with insights on the possibility and likelihood of linking policies and regulatory measures across the Atlantic, and the political threats of advancing towards decarbonization and an energy transition away from fossil fuels in each jurisdiction.

Although it is assumed that the outcomes from scientific research inform management and policy, the so-called knowledge-action gap (i.e., the disconnect between scientific knowledge and its application) is a recognition that there are many reasons why new knowledge is not always embraced by knowledge users. The concept of knowledge co-production has gained popularity within the environmental and conservation research communities as a mechanism of bridging the gap between knowledge and action, but has yet to be fully embraced in fisheries research. Here we describe what co-production is, outline its benefits (relative to other approaches to research) and challenges, and provide practical guidance on how to embrace and enact knowledge co-production within fisheries research. Because co-production is an iterative and context-dependent process, there is no single way to do it, but there are best practices that can facilitate the generation of actionable research through respectful and inclusive partnerships. We present several brief case studies where we describe examples of where co-production has worked in practice and the benefits it has accrued. As more members of the fisheries science and management community effectively engage in co-production, it will be important to reflect on the processes and share lessons with others. We submit that co-production has manifold benefits for applied science and should lead to meaningful improvements in fisheries management, conservation, and governance.

As mercury emissions continue and climate-mediated permafrost thaw increases the burden of this contaminant in northern waters, Inuit from a Northwest passage community in the Canadian Arctic Archipelago pressed for an assessment of their subsistence catches. Sea-run salmonids (n = 537) comprising Arctic char (Salvelinus alpinus), lake trout (S. namaycush), lake whitefish (Coregonus clupeaformis), and cisco (C. autumnalis, C. sardinella) were analyzed for muscle mercury. Methylmercury is a neurotoxin and bioaccumulated with fish age, but other factors including selenium and other elements, diet and trophic level as assessed by stable isotopes of nitrogen (δ15N) and carbon (δ13C), as well as growth rate, condition, and geographic origin, also contributed depending on the species, even though all the fish shared a similar anadromous or sea-run life history. Although mean mercury concentrations for most of the species were ~0.09 µg·g−1 wet weight (ww), below the levels described in several jurisdictions for subsistence fisheries (0.2 µg·g−1 ww), 70% of lake trout were above this guideline (0.35 µg·g−1 ww), and 19% exceeded the 2.5-fold higher levels for commercial sale. We thus urge the development of consumption advisories for lake trout for the protection of pregnant women and young children and that additionally, periodic community-based monitoring be initiated.

There is a growing body of literature that examines the role of affect and emotions in climate change risk perception and risk communication. Conceptions of affect and emotions have differed according to theoretical perspectives and disciplinary orientations (e.g., sociology of risk, psychology of risk, climate science communication), but little has been done to map these differences. This perspective article provides an in-depth analysis of the study of affect and emotions in climate change risk research through a literature review of studies published in the last 20 years. In this perspective, we examined how affect is conceived, what emotions have been considered, and their role in climate change risk perception and risk communication. Early studies in climate risk perception and risk communication included vaguely defined emotions (e.g., negative and positive) in climate risk perception and risk communication studies, more recently turning attention to how different affective dimensions interact with other factors, such as personal experience, knowledge, culture and worldviews, gender, and social norms. Using this review as a mapping exercise of the research landscape on affect and emotions in climate risk perception and communication, we suggest that future research could benefit from more interdisciplinary work that explores the role of different affective responses and their intensities before, during, and after climate-related events.

Knowledge coevolution is the process through which information is generated by joining knowledge systems in an inclusive and iterative way to facilitate self-determination of communities and promote cultural resilience. A central and practical component of this framework is the fostering of progress towards improved co-management and community led research. Here, we illustrate a knowledge coevolution framework in the context of a major five-year genomics and food security fishery research project in Gjoa Haven, Nunavut. We highlight the process, changes in research objectives, logistical requirements, mutual benefits, and challenges associated with northern collaborative research, and what lessons we have learned from the process. Knowledge coevolution could be linked to more inclusive and effective fishery co-management in Nunavut and possibly elsewhere. Further, the research process appears to have reinforced Indigenous knowledge and Western science without merging these distinct knowledge systems. Here, we strive to provide readers with concrete examples of knowledge coevolution and encourage research groups to incorporate and improve these practices in future projects and in adaptive fishery co-management. We further call on funding agencies to place more value, and thus budgetary priority, on activities related to ongoing consultation, engagement, dissemination, and implementation of project outcomes. Qaujimaningi maruk ajingingituk pivallianirijanginnik pigiarutauplunni tukisikanirutit saqipaliasurmata nunalit nangminiq aulajungnaliquplugit iliqusinginniglu saqipalliatitsiquplugit aulajungnalirlutik nangminiq. Qitianittuq amma ilulirijauplunni piliriangujup pivallianiq turangajuq aqiumakanirnirmut aulatauninganut amma nunalingnut aulataujuq qaujisarniq. Ukua tava takutijutauniaqtut qaujimaningi maruk ajingingituk pivallianirijanginnik pilirianguniaqtunnik ilulinginnik angijut aragunni tallimani qaujisarnirmut amma niqiqatiarnirmut iqalulirinirmi qaujisarniq Uqsuqtummi, Nunavummi. Nalunaiqsipluta pilirianguniaqtunnik, asiangurninginnik qaujisarniup iluanni, aturiaqaqtunik piqutinik, angiqatigingnirmi, amma ilautittinirmik ukiuqtaqtumiunik qaujisarnirmut, iliniataujunik piliriarmit. Qaujimaningi maruk ajingingituk pivallianirijanginnik ilinganajarmat aulatauninganut kajusitiarnirmullu iqaluliriniup mianirijauninganni Nunavummi asinginnilu. Amma suli, qaujisarniq aqiktausimaplunni nunaqaqqaqsimajut tukisianinginnut amma qaplunat tukisianinginnut katitausimangiłutik tapkuak ajingingituk qaujimaniujut. Uvanni piliriaqaqpugut tukisikaniquplugit uqalimaqtut tungaviqatiaqtummik ukturaulaujunik qaujimaningi maruk ajingingituk pivallianirijanginnik amma ikajuqtuipluta timisiujunnik qaujisaqtinik atausingurlutik aqigiarlutiglu piliriangusuqtut sivunirmi amma atuliqtitaulutik iqalungnik aulatauninganut. Tuksiralaurrapta kinaujannik aturniaqtunnik timiujunnit, sivulliutitauplutik qinaujat aturiaqaqtut kajusijummut uqaqatiqarnirmut ilautittinirmut, asinginnullu tusaqtittinirmik atuliqtittinirmullu piliriangujunnik.

The effective and appropriate bridging of Western science with traditional or Indigenous knowledge is an ongoing discussion in the literature and in practice. The discourse transitioned from separate knowledge system to knowledge integration and most recently to knowledge co-production. We argue it is the moral and ethical responsibility of Western scientists working in and with Indigenous communities to make a concerted effort to collectively create mutually advantageous new knowledge while strengthening traditional knowledge and considering the normative impacts of Western science methods. Our knowledge coevolution framework provides guidance for achieving this in a flexible manner that can be applied to an array of research programs. Project governance structure, steps for implementation, checks and balances, and challenges are presented within the context of research project execution. We then illustrate application of the model throughout a harvest study conducted in Gjoa Haven, Nunavut, Canada.

The identification of food fish bearing anthropogenic contaminants is one of many priorities for Indigenous peoples living in the Arctic. Mercury (Hg), arsenic (As), and persistent organic pollutants including polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) are of concern, and these are reported, in some cases for the first time, for fish sampled in and around King William Island, located in Nunavut, Canada. More than 500 salmonids, comprising Arctic char, lake trout, lake whitefish, and ciscoes, were assayed for contaminants. The studied species are anadromous, migrating to the ocean to feed in the summers and returning to freshwater before sea ice formation in the autumn. Assessments of muscle Hg levels in salmonids from fishing sites on King William Island showed generally higher levels than from mainland sites, with mean concentrations generally below guidelines, except for lake trout. In contrast, mainland fish showed higher means for As, including non-toxic arsenobetaine, than island fish. Lake trout were highest in As and PCB levels, with salmonid PCB congener analysis showing signatures consistent with the legacy of cold-war distant early warning stations. After DNA-profiling, only 4–32 Arctic char single nucleotide polymorphisms were needed for successful population assignment. These results support our objective to demonstrate that genomic tools could facilitate efficient and cost-effective cluster assignment for contaminant analysis during ocean residency. We further suggest that routine pollutant testing during the current period of dramatic climate change would be helpful to safeguard the wellbeing of Inuit who depend on these fish as a staple input to their diet. Moreover, this strategy should be applicable elsewhere.

The purpose of our study is to examine important dimensions of food security in the context of current wildlife management in Nunavut, Canada. In doing so, we attempt to bridge harvesting studies and food security studies. The latter have been primarily focused on household food affordability, which is not adequate in the predominantly indigenous areas of the Arctic. We presume that one of the appropriate levels at which food security can be meaningfully measured is the community level because households within communities are closely connected by sharing networks and because data on many dimensions of food security are publicly available at that level. We explore several important dimensions of food security looking at the composition of communities in terms of households with different income, employment, and demographic characteristics, and at the scope of harvesting by hunters in communities. Based on this analysis, we identify communities with relatively high and low levels of food security and discuss implications of our analysis for wildlife management in Nunavut that may also be useful for other indigenous areas of the Arctic.

The Northern Review 47 (2018): 9–29This article analyzes the diff erent modes of resource revenue distribution and their impacts on Indigenous communities and sustainable development. After a literature review of the diff erent distribution models and their positive and negative impacts for communities, we assess each model's level of sustainability. In the second section, we present the results of a survey and follow-up interviews conducted with twenty-one representatives of the forty-two Canadian First Nations that had signed an Impact and Benefit Agreement by 2016. In most surveyed communities, the trust funds are directly managed by the political authority thus providing no insulation from political influence. The survey also shows that some Indigenous communities are investing in programs that should be funded by the federal and provincial or territorial governments, which attests to the chronic lack of investment in Indigenous communities in Canada. Finally, whatever the choice of distribution mode, in order to foster sustainable development communities need to ensure that the lost natural capital—both non-renewable resources depletion and the environmental damage created by the operations—will be replaced for future generations.

The Raglan mine in Nunavik, in the province of Quebec, and Voisey's Bay mine in Nunatsiavut, in the province of Newfoundland and Labrador, are important drivers of economic development in their respective regions. Existing studies and data concerning the economic impacts of extractive industries are concentrated on the national or regional impacts, and do not assess the impacts on business and human development at the local and community level. The article analyzes the impacts of the Raglan Mine and the Voisey's Bay Mine on business development and employment in Nunavik and Nunatsiavut respectively. The article presents the design, methodology, and results of a three-year study in which focus groups and surveys were conducted with business owners. We report on the views and experiences of business owners with respect to how mining has impacted local business development. We evaluate some community employment trends, identify policy insights, and recommend future research directions to improve the utilization of mining benefits by local Indigenous communities and Indigenous governments.

Organizing individual appropriators into output sharing groups has been found to effectively solve the tragedy of the commons problem. We experimentally investigate the robustness of this solution by introducing different channels of communication that naturally arise from group competitions. In the absence of communication, we confirm that output sharing can introduce sufficient free riding to offset over-harvesting and results in full efficiency. Allowing local communication within output-sharing groups substantially decreases this efficiency enhancement because it reduces free riding and boosts between-group competition. Yet the efficiency level is still significantly higher than that achieved when global communication is allowed among all appropriators in a conventional common pool resource without output sharing. The efficiency-reducing effect of local communication is mitigated when random partners instead of fixed partners are sharing output over time, and is nearly eliminated when random partners are formed with users who belong to different communication groups.

Because of their close relationships to the land, water, and resources therein, and their marginalized social and economic positions, Indigenous peoples living in current or former settler colonies are particularly vulnerable to mining's impacts, yet have the potential to benefit from its opportunities as well. This paper reviews the literature on large-scale mining projects' relationships to Indigenous peoples in post/colonial contexts, focusing on Australia, Canada, Finland, Greenland, New Caledonia, Norway, and Sweden, in the aim of generating insights from comparative perspectives. First, we discuss differences in legal regimes governing Indigenous peoples' rights and implications of those rights for negotiations over mining projects. Next, we examine, in turn, mining activities' various impacts - environmental, economic, social - and how they specifically affect Indigenous communities. Finally, we explore ways that Indigenous communities living in a post/colonial context have addressed large-scale mining projects' impacts by engaging with them, through both negotiation and resistance. We conclude by summarizing our findings on the relationships of Indigenous peoples to large-scale mining projects in the focus countries and identifying what gaps remain in the literature, and we provide thoughts as to how future research could address those gaps.