ABSTRACT The consolidation of power under the leadership of Muhammad bin Salman (MBS) is seen as a watershed moment in the contemporary political landscape of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). His swift ascent to power has been characterized by the opportunities created by King Salman that have been efficiently exploited by MBS. This research enquires how the consolidation of power of MBS is taking place in the KSA. It engages with existing scholarship to position the KSA case study within broader debates on authoritarian consolidation. It provides valuable insights into MBS's strategies for consolidating his power, using a qualitative research methodology that includes surveys and interviews with practitioners, academics, and experts in Saudi Arabian politics. The research is theoretically grounded in Personalist Authoritarianism , applying its assumptions like elite threat management, rival neutralization, and hold over coercive and legal institutions. Moreover, this study has found that, along with the above three key indicators of consolidation of power suggested by the theory, two more indicators, including support from the clerics and support from like‐minded young princes, are significantly relevant in the consolidation of power by MBS. Therefore, this study proposes enhancements to the existing theoretical framework by adding these elements, thereby aiming to facilitate future research on the consolidation of power. The findings show that MBS has successfully consolidated his power while securing short‐ to medium‐term stability, making him the undisputed leader in Saudi Arabia's current political scene.
ABSTRACT Building on previous scholarship (Elling 2013, Dudoignon, 2017, Lob & Habibi, 2019), this paper argues that the state's historical marginalization and securitization of the ethnic‐minority border provinces, coupled with their economic underdevelopment and sociopolitical discrimination, have correlated with political violence and popular protest—which, in turn, have led to greater state repression. Methodologically, this paper is based on a dataset that we acquired from the Statistics Organization of Iran on development outcomes at the provincial level between 2006 and 2021. Within the framework of the security‐development nexus and social movement theory, we contend that the uneven development between the Persian‐majority center and ethnic‐minority periphery, combined with other grievances that transcend economics, has increased the discontent of residents and their propensity to participate in political violence and popular protest against the state. In response, the state has subjected the border provinces to heightened securitization and created a vicious cycle of repression and radicalization. Our analysis of the data and other sources demonstrate a direct correlation between lower development and higher repression during the Woman, Life, Freedom protests in these provinces, particularly Sistan and Baluchestan, Kurdistan, and West Azerbaijan.
ABSTRACT This article analyzes “American Islam” as a political category of religious authenticity in the Islamic Republic of Iran rather than as a fixed theological concept. Using a critical discourse‐analytic framework, it examines how Ayatollah Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei construct and operationalize the opposition between pure Muhammadan Islam and American Islam across text, institutional circulation, and social practice. It argues that Khomeini introduced the term within a revolutionary context to delegitimize monarchism, clerical quietism, and any separation between religion and politics, embedding this dichotomy in the constitutional and institutional architecture of the new state. Under Khamenei the concept is expanded and securitized to target reformist intellectuals and the discourse of “Islam of Mercy” alike. By tracing this transformation, the article demonstrates how claims to doctrinal purity function as instruments of political authority, narrowing interpretive plurality and redefining dissent as ideological deviation within the Islamic Republic of Iran.
ABSTRACT The Red Sea, a critical artery for global maritime trade, has experienced significant disruption since November 2023 due to a surge in Houthi attacks on commercial shipping. These actions—publicly framed by the Houthis as linked to the Gaza conflict—have led to substantial increases in shipping costs, extended transit times, and heightened war‐risk premiums, profoundly impacting global supply chains and economic stability. This study examines the Houthi campaign through the analytical lens of naval and coercive diplomacy, highlighting how non‐state actors can leverage geopolitical tensions to influence international commerce. The research analyzes both the operational evolution of the attacks and their economic repercussions. In fact, the study demonstrates that the disruptions have triggered vessel rerouting, increased logistics costs, and heightened uncertainty across global trade networks. It underscores the urgent need for comprehensive approaches that address the multifaceted geopolitical factors contributing to regional instability, advocating for diplomatic resolutions to secure this vital maritime corridor and ensure the resilience of global trade.
This article analyses the often-overlooked yet crucial role of people from borderland communities in understanding the mobilization of social movements, particularly in the context of the protests in the aftermath of the death in custody of Mahsa Jina Amini on September 16, 2022. Grounded in the concept of "socioterritorial movements" introduced by geographer Bernardo Man & ccedil;ano Fernandes, the study employs this analytical framework to investigate the dynamics within two emblematic case studies: Sistan-Baluchistan and Iran's Kurdish regions. The research unfolds in two stages. First, the study examines the central protagonists of these socioterritorial movements, unraveling how actors from the periphery of these regions became pivotal figures within the movements. This analysis sheds light on the shifts in power dynamics and social mobilization that occurred. Second, the research scrutinizes the development of critical voices, with a specific emphasis on those originating from the Sunni communities within the Kurdish and Baluchi regions. This analysis seeks to reveal how these voices evolved and played a significant role in shaping the sociopolitical landscape during the 2022-23 uprising. To gather empirical data, ethnographic fieldwork was undertaken between October 2022 and April 2023, spanning a 6-month period. Interviews with key informants involved in the movements provided qualitative data on motivations, strategies, and experiences. Participant observation during events and actions related to the socioterritorial movements offered rich, contextual data. Supplementary data were derived from the analysis of more than 20 social media channels used by Kurdish and Baluchi communities, providing a comprehensive understanding of the socioterritorial movement. This article contributes to social movement analysis by highlighting the significance of people from borderland communities in shaping the dynamics of protests, emphasizing the transformative role played by actors from the periphery, and elucidating the evolution of critical voices within socioterritorial movements in Iran's borderlands. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)2022(sic)9(sic)16(sic)Mahsa Jina Amini(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)Bernardo Man & ccedil;ano Fernandes(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)--(sic)(sic)(sic)-(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)--(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). Este art & iacute;culo analiza el papel-a menudo pasado por alto, pero crucial-de las personas pertenecientes a comunidades fronterizas para comprender la movilizaci & oacute;n de los movimientos sociales, particularmente en el contexto de las protestas surgidas tras la muerte bajo custodia de Mahsa Jina Amini el 16 de septiembre de 2022. Fundamentado en el concepto de & laquo;movimientos socioterritoriales & raquo;-introducido por el ge & oacute;grafo Bernardo Man & ccedil;ano Fernande-, el estudio emplea este marco anal & iacute;tico para investigar las din & aacute;micas internas de dos casos emblem & aacute;ticos: Sist & aacute;n y Baluchist & aacute;n, y las regiones kurdas de Ir & aacute;n. Este art & iacute;culo contribuye al an & aacute;lisis de los movimientos sociales al destacar la relevancia de las personas de las comunidades fronterizas en la configuraci & oacute;n de las din & aacute;micas de protesta, enfatizando el papel transformador desempe & ntilde;ado por los actores de la periferia y dilucidando la evoluci & oacute;n de las voces cr & iacute;ticas dentro de los movimientos socioterritoriales en las zonas fronterizas de Ir & aacute;n.
This paper outlines a plan of action for employing legislative tools of the Treaty of Westphalia with China as a guarantor for settlement of sectarian conflicts between Saudi Arabia and Iran. It argues that modern day Saudi-Iran dynamics and 17th century Europe bear similarities; however, differences also exist. Therefore, relevant provisions of the treaty, including settlement of religious conflicts and a guarantor mechanism, may be useful for formalizing peace between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The paper employs comparative historical analysis of primary and secondary data to establish parallels between the two cases. It concludes that global powers such as the US and Russia can no longer balance Saudi-Iran relations and China may be best suited as an external guarantor of peace between Saudi Arabia and Iran. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)<<(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)>>(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)-(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)17(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic):(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)-(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). Este documento describe un plan de acci & oacute;n para emplear los instrumentos legislativos del Tratado de Westfalia con China como garante para la resoluci & oacute;n de conflictos sectarios entre Arabia Saudita e Ir & aacute;n. Argumenta que la din & aacute;mica actual entre Arabia Saudita e Ir & aacute;n y la Europa del siglo XVII presentan similitudes, aunque tambi & eacute;n existen diferencias. Por lo tanto, las disposiciones pertinentes del tratado, incluyendo la resoluci & oacute;n de conflictos religiosos y el mecanismo de garant & iacute;a, podr & iacute;an ser & uacute;tiles para formalizar la paz entre Arabia Saudita e Ir & aacute;n. El documento emplea un an & aacute;lisis hist & oacute;rico comparativo de datos primarios y secundarios para establecer paralelismos entre ambos casos. Concluye que potencias mundiales como Estados Unidos y Rusia ya no pueden mantener el equilibrio en las relaciones entre Arabia Saudita e Ir & aacute;n, y que China podr & iacute;a ser el garante externo m & aacute;s id & oacute;neo para la paz entre ambos pa & iacute;ses.
Dictatorships are a living phenomenon, constantly adapting to survive in a hostile environment. Like previous protests, "The Women, Life, Freedom" (WLF) movement was brutally suppressed by the regime's security forces, resulting in the slaughtering of hundreds and injuring thousands of Iranians, mostly youth. Despite the regime's unprecedented brutality, it took months to suppress the protesters and restore the political order. The scope and scale of the protest led the Islamic Republic to enhance its security forces in the middle of the WLF protest. Only 3 months after the death of Mahsa Amini, Iran's law enforcement apparatus went through a massive restructuring; new intelligence organizations were created, and new units were formed. An increase in the budget of the security forces has allowed them to hire additional staff and acquire new repressive technologies. For example, more CCTV cameras were installed nationwide to consolidate control over public spaces. The regime also intensified its transnational repression efforts to silence the Iranian diaspora, who have actively and unprecedentedly protested the Islamic Republic. What lessons did the regime learn from the WLF protests, and how has it prepared for future unrest? This paper argues that the Islamic Republic has upgraded its security forces, created new organizations, and changed its tactics to maintain political order and insulate itself from further uprisings. Incorporating public data, personal interviews, and leaked and hacked information to analyze the changes in Iran's security architecture and its capabilities of political repression after the Women, Life, Freedom Movement, with a focus on Iran's police forces.
The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is a pivotal region for attempts at transitioning away from hydrocarbons. With the claimed objective of achieving more equitable and effective development cooperation, US and European policymakers, and most notably the OECD, advocate for shifting away from established North-South bilateral cooperation to North-South-South triangular cooperation (TC). This paper explores the opportunities and challenges of TC in the renewable energy sector between the European Union (EU), the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and select hydrocarbon-poor MENA countries. It argues that EU-GCC-MENA TC may enable the expansion of renewables, but it also risks deepening social, economic, and political imbalances. After analyzing the status of electricity grid interconnection and the production and logistics of green hydrogen, it discusses the political and economic interests of involved actors and the extent to which the implementation of renewable energy megaprojects risks reproducing asymmetric dependencies and authoritarian practices. The article relies on a qualitative multi-methods approach, consisting of interviews, desk research, and interpretive analysis. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(MENA)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(OECD), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(TC).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(EU),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(GCC)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)MENA(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)-(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)-MENA(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). Oriente Medio y el Norte de & Aacute;frica (MENA) es una regi & oacute;n clave para la transici & oacute;n hacia una econom & iacute;a m & aacute;s resiliente a los hidrocarburos. Con el objetivo declarado de lograr una cooperaci & oacute;n para el desarrollo m & aacute;s equitativa y eficaz, los responsables pol & iacute;ticos estadounidenses y europeos, y en particular la OCDE, abogan por una transici & oacute;n de la cooperaci & oacute;n bilateral Norte-Sur establecida hacia la cooperaci & oacute;n triangular (CT) Norte-Sur-Sur. Este art & iacute;culo explora las oportunidades y los desaf & iacute;os de la CT en el sector de las energ & iacute;as renovables entre la Uni & oacute;n Europea (UE), el Consejo de Cooperaci & oacute;n del Golfo (CCG) y algunos pa & iacute;ses MENA con escasez de hidrocarburos. Argumenta que la CT UE-CCG-MENA puede facilitar la expansi & oacute;n de las energ & iacute;as renovables, pero tambi & eacute;n corre el riesgo de profundizar los desequilibrios sociales, econ & oacute;micos y pol & iacute;ticos. Tras analizar el estado de la interconexi & oacute;n de la red el & eacute;ctrica y la producci & oacute;n y log & iacute;stica del hidr & oacute;geno verde, se analizan los intereses pol & iacute;ticos y econ & oacute;micos de los actores involucrados y en qu & eacute; medida la implementaci & oacute;n de megaproyectos de energ & iacute;as renovables corre el riesgo de reproducir dependencias asim & eacute;tricas y pr & aacute;cticas autoritarias. El art & iacute;culo se basa en un enfoque cualitativo multim & eacute;todo, que incluye entrevistas, investigaci & oacute;n documental y an & aacute;lisis interpretativo.
This article primarily seeks to explore the threats posed by the post July 1958 regime in Iraq headed by 'Abd al-Karim Qasim to Iran's national security and the regime of Shah Muhammad Riza Pahlavi. It will also explore the Shah's own threat perceptions, which impacted the severity of his responses to the threats he perceived from Iraq. This article plans to do this within the context of Iran's politics at the time and the ongoing Cold War between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., which also impacted Iran. This is because until now, Iraq-Iran relations during Qasim's regime (1958-1963) have not been closely researched from a Cold War perspective. Consequently, the article will place special focus on the Qasim regime's cooperation with the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP) and cooperation with the Iranian communist party called Tudeh ("masses"). Another Cold War-related Qasim policy that concerned the Shah was Iraq's establishing and improving relations with the U.S.S.R. This was of particular concern to the Shah, as from 1958 to 1962, Iran-Soviet relations were going through a difficult period, owing to Iran signing a bilateral security agreement with the U.S. in March 1959. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)1958(sic)7(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)& centerdot;(sic)(sic)(sic)& centerdot;(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)& centerdot;(sic)(sic)& centerdot;(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic) (1958-1963(sic)) (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)-(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(ICP)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic) ((sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)") (sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)1958(sic)(sic)1962(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)1959(sic)3(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). Este art & iacute;culo busca principalmente explorar las amenazas que el r & eacute;gimen iraqu & iacute; posterior a julio de 1958, encabezado por Abd al-Karim Qasim, represent & oacute; para la seguridad nacional de Ir & aacute;n y el r & eacute;gimen del Shah Muhammad Riza Pahlavi. Tambi & eacute;n analizar & aacute; la percepci & oacute;n que el propio Shah ten & iacute;a de estas amenazas, lo cual influy & oacute; en la severidad de sus respuestas. El art & iacute;culo se enmarca en el contexto de la pol & iacute;tica iran & iacute; de la & eacute;poca y la Guerra Fr & iacute;a entre Estados Unidos y la URSS, que tambi & eacute;n afect & oacute; a Ir & aacute;n. Esto se debe a que, hasta ahora, las relaciones entre Irak e Ir & aacute;n durante el r & eacute;gimen de Qasim (1958-1963) no se han investigado a fondo desde la perspectiva de la Guerra Fr & iacute;a. Por consiguiente, el art & iacute;culo se centrar & aacute; especialmente en la cooperaci & oacute;n del r & eacute;gimen de Qasim con el Partido Comunista Iraqu & iacute; (PCI) y con el partido comunista iran & iacute; Tudeh (Masas). Otra pol & iacute;tica de Qasim relacionada con la Guerra Fr & iacute;a que preocupaba al Shah era el establecimiento y la mejora de las relaciones de Irak con la URSS. Esto era de particular inter & eacute;s para el Shah, ya que entre 1958 y 1962 las relaciones entre Ir & aacute;n y la Uni & oacute;n Sovi & eacute;tica atravesaban un per & iacute;odo dif & iacute;cil. Esto se deb & iacute;a a la firma de un acuerdo de seguridad bilateral entre Ir & aacute;n y Estados Unidos en marzo de 1959.
The article accounts for the paradiplomatic interactions between the Democratic Union Party (PYD) in Syria and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) in Iraq and the broader political context that shaped their relations. Paradiplomacy refers to sub-state or semi-independent actors' foreign policy conduct in the international arena. Both parties engaged in international relations independent of their central governments and utilized proto-diplomacy to secure external legitimacy and support, advancing Kurdish interests in line with their quest for independence. The Syrian conflict enabled the rise of a de facto autonomous Kurdish territorial entity in Northern Syria (Rojava), thereby creating a new situation in the Kurdish movement by challenging the KDP's political and cultural leadership on pan-Kurdish issues established in the 2000s. By 2013, the PYD had gained prominence in Rojava, representing a considerably differing ideological and political agenda on the Kurdish question from the KDP. The contest between these actors intensified since the Iraqi Kurdish leadership could not significantly influence the Northern Syrian political sphere. The article illustrates how the KDP and PYD, despite their rivalry, occasionally cooperate against common external threats such as the Islamic State, even as they competed for political and military dominance within the broader Kurdish nationalist movement. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(PYD)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(KDP)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic) ((sic)(sic)(sic)) (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)2000(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)2013(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(KDP)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(PYD)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). El art & iacute;culo analiza las interacciones paradiplom & aacute;ticas entre el Partido de la Uni & oacute;n Democr & aacute;tica (PYD) en Siria y el Partido Democr & aacute;tico del Kurdist & aacute;n (PDK) en Irak, as & iacute; como el contexto pol & iacute;tico m & aacute;s amplio que molde & oacute; sus relaciones. La paradiplomacia se refiere a la actuaci & oacute;n de actores subestatales o semiindependientes en la pol & iacute;tica exterior internacional. Ambos partidos mantuvieron relaciones internacionales independientes de sus gobiernos centrales y utilizaron la protodiplomacia para asegurar la legitimidad y el apoyo externos, impulsando los intereses kurdos en consonancia con su b & uacute;squeda de independencia. El conflicto sirio facilit & oacute; el surgimiento de una entidad territorial kurda aut & oacute;noma de facto en el norte de Siria (Rojava), creando as & iacute; una nueva situaci & oacute;n en el movimiento kurdo al desafiar el liderazgo pol & iacute;tico y cultural del PDK en cuestiones pankurdas establecidas en la d & eacute;cada de 2000. Para 2013, el PYD hab & iacute;a cobrado relevancia en Rojava, representando una agenda ideol & oacute;gica y pol & iacute;tica considerablemente diferente a la del PDK sobre la cuesti & oacute;n kurda. La pugna entre estos actores se intensific & oacute; debido a que el liderazgo kurdo iraqu & iacute; no pod & iacute;a influir significativamente en la esfera pol & iacute;tica del norte de Siria. El art & iacute;culo ilustra c & oacute;mo el KDP y el PYD, a pesar de su rivalidad, ocasionalmente cooperan contra amenazas externas comunes como el Estado Isl & aacute;mico, al mismo tiempo que compiten por el dominio pol & iacute;tico y militar dentro del movimiento nacionalista kurdo m & aacute;s amplio.
In the 21st century, many socio-economic and political structures have been redefined, particularly amidst escalation of economic and military threats across the world. Under these circumstances, traditional approaches to conflict prevention and conflict resolution have limited success. Not only are some conflicts never fully resolved and continue to escalate intermittently, even older conflicts that were considered resolved are re-emerging in newer avatars. Often conflicts are sustained due to cognitive and emotional dynamics that play a crucial role in determining attitudes of the people, based on their experiences as well as collective memory of previous transgressions. This collective memory is further re-ignited through rhetoric of leaders and media as well as the lack of direct contact between adversaries. Historically in the case of Iraq and Kuwait, control over hydrocarbon reserves and access to shared waterways remained sensitive issues, ultimately culminating in the Gulf war of 1991. Although deep animosities of Gulf War experiences sustained the collective memory of both nations, consistent efforts at conflict transformation demonstrate a more proactive approach towards future collaboration between the two. Within the above contexts, this paper presents the Kuwait-Iraq conflict as a case study on the implications of collective memory in 21st century conflict transformation. (sic)(sic)21(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)1991(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)-(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)21(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). En el siglo XXI, muchas estructuras socioecon & oacute;micas y pol & iacute;ticas han sido redefinidas, particularmente en medio de la escalada de amenazas econ & oacute;micas y militares en todo el mundo. Bajo estas circunstancias, los enfoques tradicionales para la prevenci & oacute;n y resoluci & oacute;n de conflictos han tenido un & eacute;xito limitado. No solo hay conflictos que nunca se resuelven por completo y contin & uacute;an escalando de manera intermitente, sino que incluso conflictos m & aacute;s antiguos, que se consideraban resueltos, est & aacute;n resurgiendo bajo nuevas formas. A menudo, los conflictos persisten debido a din & aacute;micas cognitivas y emocionales que desempe & ntilde;an un papel crucial en la determinaci & oacute;n de las actitudes de las personas, bas & aacute;ndose tanto en sus experiencias como en la memoria colectiva de transgresiones pasadas. Esta memoria colectiva se reaviva a & uacute;n m & aacute;s a trav & eacute;s de la ret & oacute;rica de los l & iacute;deres y de los medios de comunicaci & oacute;n, as & iacute; como por la falta de contacto intr & iacute;nseco entre los adversarios. Hist & oacute;ricamente, en el caso de Irak y Kuwait, el control sobre las reservas de hidrocarburos y el acceso a las v & iacute;as fluviales compartidas siguieron siendo cuestiones delicadas, culminando finalmente en la Guerra del Golfo de 1991. Si bien las profundas animosidades derivadas de las experiencias de la Guerra del Golfo mantuvieron viva la memoria colectiva de ambas naciones, los esfuerzos constantes en la transformaci & oacute;n del conflicto demuestran un enfoque m & aacute;s proactivo hacia una futura colaboraci & oacute;n entre ambas partes. Dentro de los contextos antes mencionados, el presente art & iacute;culo presenta el conflicto entre Kuwait e Irak como un estudio de caso sobre las implicaciones de la memoria colectiva en la transformaci & oacute;n de conflictos en el siglo XXI.
Ahmad Qabel is a reformist mujtahid known primarily for his jurisprudential innovations and critique of traditional jurisprudential structures in the framework of Rational Shari'a theory. Central to Qabel's jurisprudential innovations is his rational approach to religion and his efforts to empower reason in the face of consensus. With this perspective, he reinterprets jurisprudential texts, especially those related to women's rights, and presented new opinions. One of the topics he addresses is the discrimination between the treatment of men and women regarding the right to divorce under Shi'a jurisprudence. Qabel criticizes Shi'a scholars' views on separation through khul', and instead advocates for women's unilateral right to separation through khul', just as men have the unilateral right to divorce through Talaq. In this article, I first evaluate the most significant reasons that Qabel presents for recognizing khul' as women's unilateral right to separation. Then, I investigate the foundations and components of the jurisprudential method that enabled Qabel to issue innovative fatwas in the field of women's jurisprudence, by examining his epistemological and theological arguments with respect to the equality of men and women in ending the marriage contract.
In spite of intense developments in Turkish-Egyptian relations since the eruption of the Arab uprisings in 2011, few scholarly writings have examined the abrupt shifts in the AKP's policy toward Egypt from 2011 until 2024. Aiming to fill in this gap, this study argues that shifts in the AKP's policy toward Egypt from alliance to confrontation with the Egyptian regime, followed by a rapprochement starting from 2018, are due to the party's changing perception of Turkish national role. Drawing on the national role theory, this study unveils factors underpinning alterations in the AKP's policy toward Egypt in light of changes in its perception of the Turkish regional role in response to national and regional transformations. It contends that the AKP's perception of Turkey's national role as a role model toward Egypt metamorphosed into an alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood from 2011 until 2013, while President Morsi's ousting from power and the rising secular threat prompted the AKP's adoption of an antagonist role from 2013 until 2024, which gradually turned into a reconciliation starting from 2018 following the ascension of the AKP-MHP electoral coalition to power. This study relies on 30 extensive open-ended and semi-structured in-depth expert interviews conducted by the author with Egyptian and Turkish decision-makers in Cairo, Istanbul, and Ankara, in addition to the content analysis of newsfeeds and Turkish leaders' speeches during the period from 2011 until 2024. (sic)(sic)(sic)2011(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)2011(sic)(sic)2024(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(AKP)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), AKP(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)2018(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)AKP(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)2011(sic)(sic)2013(sic), AKP(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), AKP(sic)2013(sic)(sic)2024(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)2018(sic)AKP-(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(MHP)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)30(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)2011(sic)(sic)2024(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). A pesar de la intensa evoluci & oacute;n de las relaciones turco-egipcias desde el estallido de las revueltas & aacute;rabes en 2011, pocos estudios acad & eacute;micos han examinado los abruptos cambios en la pol & iacute;tica del AKP hacia Egipto entre 2011 y 2024. Con el objetivo de subsanar esta deficiencia, este estudio argumenta que los cambios en la pol & iacute;tica del AKP hacia Egipto, de la alianza a la confrontaci & oacute;n con el r & eacute;gimen egipcio, seguida de un acercamiento a partir de 2018, se deben a la cambiante percepci & oacute;n del partido sobre el rol nacional turco. Bas & aacute;ndose en la teor & iacute;a del rol nacional, este estudio revela los factores que subyacen a las alteraciones en la pol & iacute;tica del AKP hacia Egipto a la luz de los cambios en su percepci & oacute;n del rol regional turco en respuesta a las transformaciones nacionales y regionales. Se sostiene que la percepci & oacute;n del AKP del rol nacional de Turqu & iacute;a como modelo a seguir hacia Egipto se transform & oacute; en una alianza con la Hermandad Musulmana entre 2011 y 2013, mientras que la destituci & oacute;n del presidente Morsi y la creciente amenaza secular impulsaron la adopci & oacute;n por parte del AKP de un rol antagonista entre 2013 y 2024, que gradualmente se transform & oacute; en una reconciliaci & oacute;n a partir de 2018, tras la llegada al poder de la coalici & oacute;n electoral AKP-MHP. Este estudio se basa en 30 extensas entrevistas abiertas y semiestructuradas a expertos, realizadas por el autor con responsables pol & iacute;ticos egipcios y turcos en El Cairo, Estambul y Ankara, adem & aacute;s del an & aacute;lisis de contenido de las noticias y los discursos de los l & iacute;deres turcos durante el per & iacute;odo comprendido entre 2011 y 2024.
The reconstruction of Europe and Japan after World War II is often credited to US political will and financial aid. However, differing outcomes suggest that other factors played a crucial role. Factors such as security, a functioning government, pre-war development levels, and wartime destruction played crucial roles in determining the feasibility and possibility of success in post-war reconstruction. Post-conflict governments often lack the institutional frameworks and administrative capacity needed to effectively utilize foreign aid. This paper uses a qualitative analysis to examine Yemen's pre-war and past experience with international funding and highlights the challenges of reconstruction in Yemen, including the destruction of infrastructure, lack of institutional capacity, and the need for a credible governmental institution to rebuild the economy. It examines previous post-war reconstruction efforts in countries like Afghanistan, Iraq, and South Sudan, and proposes a new framework that considers the shortcomings of previous frameworks. This paper proposes a framework that enhances existing institutional capacity to efficiently absorb foreign aid and carry out reconstruction efforts effectively. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). La reconstrucci & oacute;n de Europa y Jap & oacute;n tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial suele atribuirse a la voluntad pol & iacute;tica y la ayuda financiera de Estados Unidos. Sin embargo, los resultados dispares sugieren que otros factores desempe & ntilde;aron un papel crucial. Factores como la seguridad, un gobierno eficaz, los niveles de desarrollo previos a la guerra y la destrucci & oacute;n durante la guerra desempe & ntilde;aron un papel crucial para determinar la viabilidad y la posibilidad de & eacute;xito de la reconstrucci & oacute;n posb & eacute;lica. Los gobiernos posconflicto a menudo carecen de los marcos institucionales y la capacidad administrativa necesarios para utilizar eficazmente la ayuda exterior. Este documento utiliza un an & aacute;lisis cualitativo para examinar la experiencia de Yemen con la financiaci & oacute;n internacional antes y despu & eacute;s de la guerra, y destaca los desaf & iacute;os de la reconstrucci & oacute;n en Yemen, incluyendo la destrucci & oacute;n de infraestructura, la falta de capacidad institucional y la necesidad de una instituci & oacute;n gubernamental cre & iacute;ble para reconstruir la econom & iacute;a. Examina los esfuerzos previos de reconstrucci & oacute;n posb & eacute;lica en pa & iacute;ses como Afganist & aacute;n, Irak y Sud & aacute;n del Sur, y propone un nuevo marco que considera las deficiencias de los marcos anteriores. Este documento propone un marco que mejora la capacidad institucional existente para absorber eficientemente la ayuda exterior y llevar a cabo los esfuerzos de reconstrucci & oacute;n con eficacia.
The present article examines a tremendous, yet hidden, transition in T & uuml;rkiye's roadmap from "Neo-Ottomanism" to "the Century of T & uuml;rkiye," a shift marked by a reorientation of the long-term objectives in its foreign policy. What are the key drivers behind T & uuml;rkiye's transition from Neo-Ottomanism to the Century of T & uuml;rkiye? How has this shift impacted T & uuml;rkiye's domestic, regional, and international politics? These are the central questions that guide the analytical narrative of the research. By employing a process-tracing method and novel readings of geopolitics to analyze this strategic transformation, our findings suggest that T & uuml;rkiye's failed policies in the Middle East in the 2010s and internal power shifts have led to a new era of Turkish nationalism and Eurasianism. We also argue that at the regional level, T & uuml;rkiye seeks to establish itself as a transit hub and energy corridor, while globally it adopts a hedging strategy to reduce risks and tensions. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)?(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)?(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)2010(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). El presente art & iacute;culo examina una transici & oacute;n trascendental, aunque oculta, en la hoja de ruta de T & uuml;rkiye del & laquo;neo-otomanismo & raquo; al & laquo;siglo de T & uuml;rkiye & raquo;, un cambio marcado por una reorientaci & oacute;n de los objetivos a largo plazo de su pol & iacute;tica exterior. & iquest;Cu & aacute;les son los factores clave de la transici & oacute;n de T & uuml;rkiye del neo-otomanismo al & laquo;siglo de T & uuml;rkiye & raquo;? & iquest;C & oacute;mo ha impactado este cambio en la pol & iacute;tica nacional, regional e internacional de T & uuml;rkiye? Estas son las preguntas centrales que gu & iacute;an la narrativa anal & iacute;tica de la investigaci & oacute;n. Mediante el uso de un m & eacute;todo de rastreo de procesos y nuevas lecturas de la geopol & iacute;tica para analizar esta transformaci & oacute;n estrat & eacute;gica, nuestros hallazgos sugieren que las pol & iacute;ticas fallidas de Turqu & iacute;a en Oriente Medio en la d & eacute;cada de 2010 y los cambios de poder internos han dado lugar a una nueva era de nacionalismo turco y eurasianismo. Tambi & eacute;n argumentamos que, a nivel regional, T & uuml;rkiye busca consolidarse como un centro de tr & aacute;nsito y corredor energ & eacute;tico, mientras que a nivel global adopta una estrategia de cobertura para reducir riesgos y tensiones.
How does an economic crisis affect electoral turnout in authoritarian regimes? The paper examines the impact of economic crisis on political participation by studying Iran's post-Pandemic era. The statistical analysis of the public opinion polls indicates that a crisis of representation intervened between economic hardship and the unprecedented decline in voter turnout in Iran's 2021 presidential election. In this environment, the failure of political factions to address the economic hardship discredited the political establishment in Iran and transformed the pattern of political participation. This setting caused an unprecedented decline in the voters' turnout and led citizens to resort to street protest as an alternative means of political participation. The paper further demonstrates the role of socioeconomic status in shaping voting behavior. The statistical analysis indicated that middle-income citizens are less likely to vote which aligns with the existing studies about the impact of sanctions on household expenditure in Iran. An overview of electoral mobilization sheds light on the findings of the statistical analysis by illuminating the shift in participation mode. This review demonstrates that electoral mobilization through youth campaigns transformed into street protests and strikes led by youth, teachers, and industrial workers. The findings of the paper suggest a new mechanism in which economic crisis affects political participation in authoritarian regimes.
This study examines the resonance of resistant narrative discourse in Shams Awam (2022), a novel by Fikria Shahra. The novel stands as a prominent example of Yemeni resistance narrative, where Shahra employs language, storytelling, events, and narrative techniques to reflect her people's defiance against the civil war, the Houthi militias. She also expresses solidarity with Yemenis in their struggle for freedom and justice. By thoroughly examining the narrative elements, this study offers deeper insights into Yemeni literature and explores the various ways in which the resistant narrative discourse is expressed. The researcher employs a descriptive-analytical method, examining the novel through the lens of resistance literature. The findings reveal that the novel represents a creative contemporary work, closely aligned with Yemeni literature that resists the Houthi sectarian project. The novelist effectively utilizes resistant discourse to narrate the stories, address the issues, and convey her message. The political context in the novel reflects the nature of political conflicts and the intricate dynamics of the Yemeni crisis. Furthermore, the study highlights the significant role of Yemeni women in resisting injustice and struggling for their rights and values. Moreover, the place and time are present in the resistance narrative and contribute to the development of the characters and their evolving positions.
This article analyzes the strategies employed by translators to re-present women in the Qur'an, in light of contemporary feminist translation theory. Examining a range of Qur'anic translations, the study investigates how translators utilize feminist strategies to challenge patriarchal interpretations and align the sacred text with contemporary gender-inclusive discourse. The findings reveal that individual translations, even those produced by men not explicitly subscribing to feminism, can demonstrate a greater degree of egalitarianism than collective translations or those undertaken by women. Moving beyond the analysis of gender-inclusive language, this study focuses on the translation of conceptual constructs related to women's roles, like the subordinate creation narrative and the concept of wives in heaven promised to faithful men. By exploring how feminist translation strategies engage with these complex and culturally sensitive concepts, the article aims to highlight the role for translation in challenging traditional interpretations and mediate established religious and societal norms.
Research on conflict resolution typically examines how local leadership shapes social and political responses. However, there is limited exploration of ethnic minority leadership and their attitudes toward agreements with adversarial states. A notable example is Israel, which has established five peace or normalization accords: with Egypt in 1977, Jordan in 1994, and the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco in 2020. While these agreements have been analyzed from a state-level perspective, the reactions of the Arab minority political leadership in Israel to these accords remain unexamined. This study investigates how Israeli-Arab leaders officially viewed these agreements through their statements in the Knesset, Israel's parliament. The analysis is framed through the lens of identity divisions among Israeli, Palestinian, and Islamist groups, which influence their political motivations. The primary finding reveals that Arab Israeli leaders maintain a consistent position. Despite their ideological differences-spanning socialist-communist, nationalist, and Islamist views-they present a unified front regarding key priorities, particularly the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. However, they differ on integration issues within Israeli society, utilizing the platform to advocate for both integrative and divisive policies. This finding suggests the need for further research into the role of leadership in majority-minority relations.
The Israel-Iran war of 2025 has changed the geopolitical face of the Middle East, not only bringing up the issue of nuclear proliferation, but also putting international diplomacy to the test. This essay assesses the performance of liberal institutionalism based on the latest conflict, paying special attention to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) as the main institutional mechanism that once carried the promise of peaceful nuclear interaction. The JCPOA was based on the liberal notions of multilateralism and cooperation, reciprocity and institutional oversights; its collapse raises serious doubts regarding the usefulness of these tools in nuclear conflict management. This essay provides background information and assesses how the 2025 conflict will influence the regional and global balance. It then employs the theoretical perspective of liberal institutionalism to observe the direction taken by the Iran-West relationship to gauge whether international institutions continue to have the ability to forestall state level security dilemmas as they have led to an absence of open-war conflicts. This study develops a critical analysis of institutional failure to tame the conflict and offers some ideas for understanding its scope and future direction.
