ABSTRACT Poverty is a persistent social issue that policymakers have turned to psychology for help in addressing. This has spurred an upswing in research on the psychology of poverty over the past 15 years, leading to a maturing evidence base on how the conditions of resource scarcity and other forms of socioeconomic adversity shape decision‐making and its underlying psychological mechanisms. This paper reviews this work, while arguing for an expansion in focus from the individual to the wider economic, cultural, and political forces that generate and sustain poverty in the first place. Drawing on perspectives from psychology, behavioral ecology, and political economy, it puts forward a socioecological psychology of poverty that articulates how the experience of socioeconomic adversity is shaped by the interplay of welfare institutions and related societal narratives, social policy design and implementation, and proximal material and social conditions.
ABSTRACT When and how does people's hope for change drive social transformation? This question has gained urgency amidst the profound sociopolitical crises of the 21st century, including escalating intergroup conflicts, accelerating environmental degradation, and mounting threats to democracy. Our comprehensive synthesis of research on hope's role in social change suggests that in most cases hope is positively associated with attitudinal and behavioral markers of social change, but that this association is stronger when (1) the levels of hope stay in the scope of possibility rather than probability, (2) hope does not function only as regulating mechanism, (3) negative emotions like fear and anger are also activated, (4) the hope appeal is especially strong, and (5) the object of hope (i.e., what people hope for) closely matches the assessed outcomes. We also raise questions about the fit of existing conceptualizations of hope to social change research and offer the bidimensional model of hope as a conceptual framework that we believe is more suitable for exploring hope in social and political contexts. Finally, we explore the implications for advocacy and policymaking, suggesting strategies to harness hope to advance democracy, equality, and peace.
ABSTRACT There have been persistent mental health disparities for Black and African American communities in the United States. For instance, Black communities continue to have unmet mental health needs compared to other groups and may not receive adequate support and quality treatment. These discrepancies in treatment and support drive mental health inequities, which have rippling social and economic consequences. To inform research and policy that improves mental health equity among Black communities, there is a need for bottom‐up and top‐down approaches that are driven by community members and policymakers, respectively. This paper aims to (1) briefly highlight examples of top‐down efforts and bottom‐up approaches and (2) provide specific, actionable policy recommendations based on empirical scholarship. Proposed strategies include public initiatives, professional development in mental health fields, and future research endeavors, with discussion of the current sociopolitical context.
ABSTRACT Many explanations have been offered for the rising prevalence of mental health complaints. I present an account that attributes some of this increase to historical changes in mental health‐related concepts that are propelled by broad cultural trends. I argue that rising attention to harm, coupled with the pervasive influence of the mental health industry, has led to concepts of mental health and illness becoming increasingly expansive. This process of “concept creep” promotes the adoption of diagnostic identities and a tendency to over‐pathologize experience and behavior. These trends not only increase the number of people who are identified as having mental health problems and seek treatment for them but may also worsen mental health through a range of self‐fulfilling and iatrogenic processes. I review research that demonstrates the semantic inflation of mental health‐related concepts and the potential adverse implications of broad concepts. I conclude by proposing steps that policymakers should consider in response.
In this paper, I propose a multidimensional model of cultural appropriation, including psychological antecedents of appropriation, policy-level moderators, and implications for racial oppression. In terms of antecedents, I discuss how colorblind racism, aversive racism, and system justification contribute to two dimensions of cultural appropriation: cultural exploitation (high-status actors extracting from minoritized communities) and cultural dominance (low-status actors engaging in dominant cultural practices). Next, I discuss policy-level moderators to counteract these antecedents to reduce acts of cultural appropriation such as placing importance on the role of education and research, introducing legislation that focuses on minoritized groups’ heritage preservation and human rights, and changing institutional norms and organizational climates. This multidimensional framework proposes practical solutions for policy and practice to mitigate implications of racial oppression, including preventing manifestations of intergroup harm, improving hostile intragroup relations, and reducing appropriated racial oppression and stigma internalization.
The United States is a diverse, multiethnic country, where there are many examples of different racial and ethnic minority groups working together for myriad causes. What predicts the emergence, maintenance, and dissolution of interracial coalitions? Ample research establishes perceptions of shared interest as crucial to coalition-relevant outcomes, yet this work often takes a unidirectional approach—assessing perceptions of how one's ingroup relates to an outgroup, or how outgroups are perceived to relate to the ingroup. By contrast, this review takes a relational approach—considering how groups assess the bidirectional relationship with one another to effectively coordinate towards shared goals. Drawing from the interpersonal relations literature, we posit that interracial coalitions can be pragmatic or communal based on relational norms. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of the novel framework and recommendations for individuals seeking interracial support.
Although (cisgender, heterosexual) men are generally seen as the advantaged group compared to other genders, research has documented health and well-being disadvantages specific to men. We present an integrative model of social identity mechanisms for (cisgender) men's health and well-being. We integrate research on men and masculinities with research on group memberships as “cures” and “curses,” outlining social psychological mechanisms that may account for beneficial and adverse health and well-being outcomes in men through cure and curse pathways. We focus on the roles of gender norms, social support, stigma, and social identity threats resulting from men's precarious personal manhood status and their declining societal status. We present a framework of theory-based tools for turning curses into cures by using existing gender norms, cha(lle)nging gender norms, increasing social support, and reducing social identity threats, providing concrete recommendations for policy and practice.
In the last several decades, social psychologists have identified several social and political motives that undergird conflict between groups (e.g., racial group conflict), and the conditions under which individuals holding these motives are most likely to oppose policies that promote greater equality between groups. In the current article, we introduce a framework that integrates these insights—the sociopolitical motive × intergroup threat model of intergroup relations—and leverage the model to help advocates for social equality identify likely sources of opposition to or support for their initiatives. By understanding the psychological motives that lead individuals to oppose or support policies that promote social equality, policymakers may be better positioned to craft and communicate policies in a manner that benefits and appeals to as many constituents as possible.
In this article, we present a brief overview of the topic of consensual non-monogamy (CNM) as a scientific inquiry, including reviews related to stigma, relationship functioning, and health and well-being. Next, we discuss how psychologists can be more responsive to people who engage in CNM, by (1) conducting research that is inclusive of CNM, including challenging mononormativity in theory and measurement; (2) training clinicians to be more knowledgeable about CNM, including expanding diversity requirements and evidence-based clinical practice; (3) working in advocacy to help shape law and policy, including future directions for research to inform marital/family and antidiscrimination law. Our goal is to discuss challenges while providing actionable recommendations for how psychologists can move forward in their respective domains to be inclusive of people engaged in CNM.
Social scientific research from different traditions on collective action under repressive conditions is fragmented across different levels of analysis. The current paper takes a first step toward remedying this fragmentation by reviewing research findings on repression and collective action and organizing them into a multilevel framework. We describe the impact of repression on antecedents of collective action at the (a) individual level (including grievances, emotions, efficacy beliefs, politicized identity, and individual differences), (b) group level (including community cohesion and norms), and (c) structural level (including political opportunities and socioecological conditions). We then present an integrative summary reflecting on the broad patterns we observed in the literature. We conclude with policy implications of this work, suggesting recommendations for activists to overcome repression, for authorities to foster pluralist political participation while maintaining stability, and for researchers to further advance knowledge on repression and collective action.
Black students in U.S. K-12 schools continue to experience systemic racism that undermines their sense of belonging–a critical factor in academic success, well-being, and engagement. This article examines factors at the interpersonal (peer relationships, student–teacher interactions, cyber–social spaces, and extracurricular activities), instructional (curriculum, pedagogy, and teacher expectations), and institutional (school policies and practices) levels that operate as both barriers to and facilitators of Black student belonging. Given the current political climate in the U.S., where Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) efforts are increasingly contested, we offer a strategic framework grounded in targeted universalism for school leaders and policymakers to advance Black student belonging through policy and practice. This framework provides actionable recommendations to counter systemic barriers, cultivate affirming school environments, and reimagine educational institutions as spaces where Black students can thrive.
Research on implicit social cognition explores how associations outside of conscious awareness or control can influence beliefs and behaviors, and the field has been one of the most popular areas of psychological research over the past 30 years. The relevance of implicit social cognition to policy has been previously explored in this journal. Here, we revisit this earlier discussion given that the field has made numerous—and in some cases pessimistic—advances regarding basic research questions on the construct and measures of implicit social cognition as well as the broader policy implications of such work. Specifically, we provide an updated review of available evidence concerning how implicit associations shift over time, relate to behavior, and change in response to interventions. Finally, we discuss how better understanding the strengths and limitations of research in implicit social cognition can productively inform ongoing policy and educational efforts.
Research on implicit social cognition explores how associations outside of conscious awareness or control can influence beliefs and behaviors, and the field has been one of the most popular areas of psychological research over the past 30 years. The relevance of implicit social cognition to policy has been previously explored in this journal. Here, we revisit this earlier discussion given that the field has made numerous-and in some cases pessimistic-advances regarding basic research questions on the construct and measures of implicit social cognition as well as the broader policy implications of such work. Specifically, we provide an updated review of available evidence concerning how implicit associations shift over time, relate to behavior, and change in response to interventions. Finally, we discuss how better understanding the strengths and limitations of research in implicit social cognition can productively inform ongoing policy and educational efforts.
The United States is a diverse, multiethnic country, where there are many examples of different racial and ethnic minority groups working together for myriad causes. What predicts the emergence, maintenance, and dissolution of interracial coalitions? Ample research establishes perceptions of shared interest as crucial to coalition-relevant outcomes, yet this work often takes a unidirectional approach-assessing perceptions of how one's ingroup relates to an outgroup, or how outgroups are perceived to relate to the ingroup. By contrast, this review takes a relational approach-considering how groups assess the bidirectional relationship with one another to effectively coordinate towards shared goals. Drawing from the interpersonal relations literature, we posit that interracial coalitions can be pragmatic or communal based on relational norms. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of the novel framework and recommendations for individuals seeking interracial support.
Social scientific research from different traditions on collective action under repressive conditions is fragmented across different levels of analysis. The current paper takes a first step toward remedying this fragmentation by reviewing research findings on repression and collective action and organizing them into a multilevel framework. We describe the impact of repression on antecedents of collective action at the (a) individual level (including grievances, emotions, efficacy beliefs, politicized identity, and individual differences), (b) group level (including community cohesion and norms), and (c) structural level (including political opportunities and socioecological conditions). We then present an integrative summary reflecting on the broad patterns we observed in the literature. We conclude with policy implications of this work, suggesting recommendations for activists to overcome repression, for authorities to foster pluralist political participation while maintaining stability, and for researchers to further advance knowledge on repression and collective action.
Black students in U.S. K-12 schools continue to experience systemic racism that undermines their sense of belonging-a critical factor in academic success, well-being, and engagement. This article examines factors at the interpersonal (peer relationships, student-teacher interactions, cyber-social spaces, and extracurricular activities), instructional (curriculum, pedagogy, and teacher expectations), and institutional (school policies and practices) levels that operate as both barriers to and facilitators of Black student belonging. Given the current political climate in the U.S., where Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) efforts are increasingly contested, we offer a strategic framework grounded in targeted universalism for school leaders and policymakers to advance Black student belonging through policy and practice. This framework provides actionable recommendations to counter systemic barriers, cultivate affirming school environments, and reimagine educational institutions as spaces where Black students can thrive.
In this paper, I propose a multidimensional model of cultural appropriation, including psychological antecedents of appropriation, policy-level moderators, and implications for racial oppression. In terms of antecedents, I discuss how colorblind racism, aversive racism, and system justification contribute to two dimensions of cultural appropriation: cultural exploitation (high-status actors extracting from minoritized communities) and cultural dominance (low-status actors engaging in dominant cultural practices). Next, I discuss policy-level moderators to counteract these antecedents to reduce acts of cultural appropriation such as placing importance on the role of education and research, introducing legislation that focuses on minoritized groups' heritage preservation and human rights, and changing institutional norms and organizational climates. This multidimensional framework proposes practical solutions for policy and practice to mitigate implications of racial oppression, including preventing manifestations of intergroup harm, improving hostile intragroup relations, and reducing appropriated racial oppression and stigma internalization.
In the last several decades, social psychologists have identified several social and political motives that undergird conflict between groups (e.g., racial group conflict), and the conditions under which individuals holding these motives are most likely to oppose policies that promote greater equality between groups. In the current article, we introduce a framework that integrates these insights-the sociopolitical motive x intergroup threat model of intergroup relations-and leverage the model to help advocates for social equality identify likely sources of opposition to or support for their initiatives. By understanding the psychological motives that lead individuals to oppose or support policies that promote social equality, policymakers may be better positioned to craft and communicate policies in a manner that benefits and appeals to as many constituents as possible.
Upon the outbreak of the SARS-CoV-2 virus, it was clear that the pandemic would not only entail physical but also psychological challenges and threats to individuals’ sustained motivation, behavioral adherence, and mental health. To encourage the Belgian authorities to take these psychological aspects into account, the Motivation Barometer, a large-scale and dynamic survey, was launched in March 2020. Its purpose was to monitor cognitive, affective, and behavioral aspects of citizens’ functioning across the pandemic, with special attention given to motivational and social factors. In the present review, we provide a description of the methodology of the Motivation Barometer, we synthesize the key findings emerging from the Motivation Barometer, we clarify how these findings were used in practice to the benefit of different societal stakeholders (i.e., the broader public, policymakers, intermediate-level organizations, and media), and we highlight its potential contribution for the management of other societal challenges (e.g., climate change, well-being). We conclude that the Motivation Barometer was a critical policy instrument during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic in Belgium. It helped to bridge the gap between social scientists, policymakers, the media, and the general public, and, as such, allowed to demonstrate the incremental value of psychological sciences for society.
Researchers from a range of disciplines emphasize that effectively socializing children about race and racism is vital to promoting positive outcomes, such as disrupting the development of racist attitudes and beliefs. While parents and guardians influence children's racial attitudes and beliefs, children also learn about race and racism from many other important adults in their lives, such as teachers, community leaders, and librarians. Yet race-related topics are largely absent or underdeveloped from child-facing programming, policies, and procedures. In this paper, we describe three major barriers to effectively socializing children about race and racism within child-facing institutions like libraries, museums, and schools: (1) adults’ (often inaccurate) beliefs about children's social and cognitive race-related development, (2) adults’ knowledge and comfort discussing race and racism with others, and (3) social norms that minimize explicit discussion of race and racism in institutional and interpersonal contexts. To contextualize these barriers, we address how children can process and reason about race across childhood and outline the evidence-based benefits of socializing children about race and racism inside and outside the home. Finally, we provide recommendations aimed at translating this research to child-focused spaces and provide general guidelines to consider when implementing such practices in their own spheres of influence. In sum, we argue that effective socialization about race and racism benefits all children and can (and should!) be achieved successfully outside of the home; and that adults who interact with children must interrogate their own beliefs, biases, and perspectives, work to develop cultural competence, and invest in and continually reassess practices and policies to facilitate effective socialization about race and racism.
