This comment addresses a substantive error appearing in “Links between climatic histories and the rise and fall of a Pacific chiefdom” in PNAS Nexus . The conclusions that article draws about causal connections among changing sea levels, sociopolitical developments, and oral traditions on Pohnpei are misleading and mistaken.
Silcrete and chert are commonly represented in Aboriginal archaeological lithic assemblages across large parts of the southwestern Murray-Darling Basin (MDB). In South Australia (SA), these materials were sourced from a series of quarries located along the incised course of the Murray River through the upper Riverland region. However, only cursory details have been recorded for these quarries and there remains a lack of reliable chronological data relating to the use of the stone resources. This paper begins to address this knowledge gap in presenting the results of a multi-method approach in recording and contextualising the Sugarloaf Hill Aboriginal Quarry, located near Overland Corner toward the downstream limit of silcrete and chert sources along the Murray River. Our research has included an intensive dating program conducted on archaeological materials and geomorphological contexts. This program fills a geographic gap in chronological data relating to Aboriginal occupation in the MDB and contributes to current debates around the timing of the early Aboriginal peopling of the River Murray in SA. The study also highlights silcrete and chert exposures in SA's Riverland as important sources for stone procurement, having played some role in the maintenance of social and cultural networks amongst Aboriginal peoples of the south-western MDB.
In this paper we report on faunal remains recovered from a legacy archaeological excavation undertaken in the rockshelter entrance of Waribruk (New Guinea II Cave), a GunaiKurnai site located on the west bank of the Snowy River, East Gippsland, southeastern Australia. From 1980 to 1985, archaeologist Paul Ossa undertook a 5 m-deep excavation in the cave's rockshelter entrance, but due to a poorly defined stratigraphy and insufficient radiocarbon ages, he was unable to establish a reliable chronostratigraphy and the excavated materials were never analysed in any detail. Here we present a series of new accelerator mass spectrometry radiocarbon ages on charcoal collected and bagged by Ossa. We show that the dated portion of one square and the upper third of an adjacent square are in excellent chronostratigraphic order, but the deeper levels are not. Taphonomic characteristics of the deposits indicate that animal bones were primarily accumulated by owls and people. The Late Pleistocene and Holocene faunas were dominated by forest and woodland species, but warmer, wetter Holocene conditions correlate with an influx of grassland, heath and swamp-adapted taxa. The subtle faunal changes observed in sediments dating to the Late Pleistocene-Holocene transition may be explained by local environmental shifts that accompanied post-glacial warming, and/or changing configurations of local GunaiKurnai hunting and foraging catchments. The taxonomic range of Waribruk's pre-colonial archaeological fauna was more diverse than its modern counterpart, indicating that colonial settlement has led to the local extinction of several species and global extinction of at least one.
ABSTRACT Both the Tasmanian devil ( Sarcophilus harrisii ) and the Tasmanian tiger ( Thylacinus cynocephalus ) are believed to have become extinct on the Australian mainland about 3000 years ago. However, until now there were only 23 known rock art depictions of the Tasmanian devil and about 150 Tasmanian tiger paintings and petroglyphs, mostly at rock art sites in northern Australia. In this article, we report recently documented images of these species from two locations in Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, including two previously undescribed Tasmanian devil paintings in different styles and several thylacines. We then consider reasons why there are so many more depictions of Tasmanian tigers than devils in Australian rock art and whether either species became extinct in Arnhem Land more recently than previously thought.
In October 2022 an extensive archaeological landscape was identified by staff of the Vanuatu Cultural Centre at Pangpang on the east coast of Efate Island in central Vanuatu. It included midden deposits on the banks of the Pangpang River near the sea at Forari Bay where Lapita and Early Erueti-style pottery sherds were recovered. Later Mangaasi-style pottery was found nearby and further inland across much of the wider landscape. This is the only location on Efate where the full pottery sequence, and hence 1600 years of occupation dating from first arrival, has been identified in a restricted location. Later survey of former settlements across the valley indicates that the region was heavily populated before European contact. Survey and excavations in 2023 confirmed that the wider Pangpang landscape has the potential for tracking the dynamics of first human arrival and subsequent adaptation in Central Vanuatu over three millennia. En octobre 2022, un vaste paysage arch & eacute;ologique a & eacute;t & eacute; identifi & eacute; par les arch & eacute;ologues du Centre culturel de Vanuatu & agrave; Pangpang, sur la c & ocirc;te est de l'& icirc;le d'Efate, au centre de Vanuatu. Il s'agissait notamment d'amas de d & eacute;chets pr & eacute;sents sur les rives de la rivi & egrave;re Pangpang, pr & egrave;s de la mer, dans la baie de Forari, o & ugrave; des tessons de poterie Lapita et Erueti ancien ont & eacute;t & eacute; retrouv & eacute;s. Des poteries Mangaasi, plus tardives, ont & eacute;t & eacute; d & eacute;couvertes & agrave; proximit & eacute; et plus & agrave; l'int & eacute;rieur des terres, r & eacute;parties sur une large surface. Pangpang est ainsi la seule localit & eacute; d'Efate o & ugrave; l'on a identifi & eacute;, & agrave; ce jour, une s & eacute;quence c & eacute;ramique compl & egrave;te, correspondant & agrave; 1600 ans d'occupation depuis les premi & egrave;res arriv & eacute;es humaines, ceci dans un espace relativement limit & eacute;. Une & eacute;tude compl & eacute;mentaire des anciennes occupations de la vall & eacute;e indique que la r & eacute;gion & eacute;tait dens & eacute;ment peupl & eacute;e avant le contact europ & eacute;en. L'inventaire et les fouilles men & eacute;s en 2023 confirment que la r & eacute;gion de Pangpang offre la possibilit & eacute; de retracer la dynamique des premi & egrave;res pr & eacute;sences humaines sur Efate et l'adaptation qui a suivi dans le centre du Vanuatu au cours de trois mill & eacute;naires.
There has been a dearth of archaeological research on atolls in the central-eastern Caroline Islands of Micronesia. This has limited our understanding of pre-contact subsistence and settlement strategies in these more marginal and remote environments, particularly in regards to zooarchaeological data. Here, we present the first analysis of faunal material recovered from Mwoakilloa (Mokil) atoll with occupation dating between ca. 1700 calBP to the present. The sample comprises nearly 6000 specimens across 53 families, representing both vertebrates and invertebrates, and is dominated by molluscs. Overall results indicate that bivalves declined over time, while gastropods increased slightly. The most prominent families include mesodesmatids, cone snails, true conchs, and ceriths. Fish, particularly parrotfish, wrasses, and groupers, were intensively harvested between 1550 - 910 calBP. Rats also first appeared around the same time, while birds and dogs were found earlier, ca. 1700 - 1400 calBP. Neither rat nor dog are represented in the earliest layers, suggesting that these species, often considered part of the "transported landscape" were not initially introduced when the island was settled.
The archaeological site Graman B4 provided one of the first records of substantial dietary change in ancient Australian Aboriginal society. Initial examination of the faunal remains from this site suggested that Late Holocene hunters reduced their focus on high-ranked kangaroos to increasingly rely on arboreal possums; and that these subsistence changes were concurrent with changes in foragers' toolkits, namely discontinuation of backed artefacts and adoption of ground-edged axes. These phenomena apparently echoed technological and subsistence developments observed elsewhere in Australia during the Late Holocene. Recent analysis of material from elsewhere in the Graman complex (GB1) did not match this pattern. However, differences in the chronology of the two sites meant that GB4 itself required reexamination to resolve this issue. Here, we describe a zooarchaeological reanalysis of GB4's faunal assemblage. Reanalysis shows that this site contains a substantially greater diversity of fauna than originally published and or which is known from GB1. Both sites, however, indicate that large macropods were always the main source of animal protein at Graman, with an emergent specialisation on possums from similar to 3250 calBP. There is little evidence of adverse environmental change at Graman, and hunting activity or productivity appear to increase at the onset of the ENSO intensification and with the arrival of the dingo. We explore the possibility that novel extractive technologies, including tamed dingoes used in hunting, may be connected to the economic restructuring observed during the Late Holocene at Graman. Le site arch & eacute;ologique de Graman B4 a fourni l'un des premiers t & eacute;moignages d'un changement alimentaire important au sein de l'ancienne soci & eacute;t & eacute; aborig & egrave;ne australienne. L'examen initial des restes fauniques de ce site sugg & eacute;rait que les chasseurs de la fin de l'Holoc & egrave;ne avaient d & eacute;laiss & eacute; les kangourous, esp & egrave;ces dominantes, au profit des opossums arboricoles. Ces changements de subsistance co & iuml;ncidaient avec une & eacute;volution des l'outillages des chasseurs-cueilleurs, notamment l'abandon des artefacts & agrave; dos et l'adoption des haches & agrave; tranchant poli. Ces ph & eacute;nom & egrave;nes semblaient refl & eacute;ter des d & eacute;veloppements technologiques et de subsistance observ & eacute;s ailleurs en Australie durant cette m & ecirc;me p & eacute;riode. Une analyse r & eacute;cente du mat & eacute;riel provenant d'un autre site du complexe de Graman (GB1) n'a pas confirm & eacute; cette tendance. Toutefois, les diff & eacute;rences de chronologie entre les deux sites ont n & eacute;cessit & eacute; un r & eacute;examen de GB4 afin de r & eacute;soudre cette question. Nous pr & eacute;sentons ici une r & eacute;analyse zooarch & eacute;ologique de l'assemblage faunique de GB4. Une r & eacute;analyse montre que ce site rec & egrave;le une diversit & eacute; faunique nettement sup & eacute;rieure & agrave; celle initialement publi & eacute;e ou connue de GB1. Les deux sites indiquent cependant que les grands macropodes ont toujours constitu & eacute; la principale source de prot & eacute;ines animales & agrave; Graman, avec une sp & eacute;cialisation & eacute;mergente sur l'opossum & agrave; partir d'environ 3250 cal BP. On observe peu de traces de changements environnementaux d & eacute;favorables & agrave; Graman, et l'activit & eacute; de chasse, ou la productivit & eacute;, semble augmenter au d & eacute;but de l'intensification d'ENSO et avec l'arriv & eacute;e du dingo. Nous explorons l'hypoth & egrave;se selon laquelle de nouvelles technologies d'extraction, notamment l'utilisation de dingos apprivois & eacute;s pour la chasse, pourraient & ecirc;tre li & eacute;es & agrave; la restructuration & eacute;conomique observ & eacute;e & agrave; Graman durant l'Holoc & egrave;ne r & eacute;cent.
Shell middens in Gippsland along the eastern half of Victoria's coastline have usually been characterised as small, short-duration camp sites with relatively low shell densities and low taxonomic diversity. Here we present new excavation results from a dense, high-diversity site at Red Bluff near the eastern end of GunaiKurnai Country, a location that features the first intertidal rocky platform habitat between Wilsons Promontory in the west and Cape Conran in the east (a distance of 230 km). We found that the climbing sand dune at Red Bluff began to accumulate c. 2500 cal BP, and that over the past c. 1000 years in particular, the Old Ancestors kept the dune environment relatively open through cultural burning, repeatedly camping on the dune to obtain a range of resources from the adjacent rocky shore and sandy beach, estuary and river mouth. These resources include a broad range of shellfish taxa consistently dominated by high numbers of Mytilus planulatus and Lunella undulata and small to medium-sized fish, probably from rock platforms and sandy shallows, processed with locally sourced stone artefacts. Although exhibiting a degree of similarity in the harvesting of specific mollusc taxa through time, there is notable variability in taxonomic richness and diversity that emphasises differences in subsistence activities and an active engagement with structurally complex nearshore environments. Les amas coquilliers de Gippsland, le long de la moiti & eacute; orientale du littoral de l'Etat/la r & eacute;gion de Victoria, ont g & eacute;n & eacute;ralement & eacute;t & eacute; d & eacute;crits comme de petits campements & eacute;ph & eacute;m & egrave;res, caract & eacute;ris & eacute;s par une faible densit & eacute; de coquillages et une faible diversit & eacute; taxonomique. Nous pr & eacute;sentons ici les r & eacute;sultats de nouvelles fouilles men & eacute;es sur un site riche en biodiversit & eacute; situ & eacute; & agrave; Red Bluff, pr & egrave;s de l'extr & eacute;mit & eacute; orientale du territoire GunaiKurnai. Ce site abrite la premi & egrave;re plateforme d'habitat rocheux en zone intertidale entre Wilsons Promontory & agrave; l'Ouest et Cape Conran & agrave; l'Est (distance de 230 km). Nos r & eacute;sultats indiquent que la dune de sable de Red Bluff a commenc & eacute; & agrave; se former il y a environ 2500 ans. Et, durant le dernier mill & eacute;naire, les Anc & ecirc;tres ont su maintenir l'environnement dunaire relativement ouvert par des feux dirig & eacute;s, campant r & eacute;guli & egrave;rement sur la dune pour exploiter diverses ressources provenant du rivage et de la plage de sable adjacents, de l'estuaire et de l'embouchure du fleuve. Ces ressources comprennent une grande vari & eacute;t & eacute; de mollusques, domin & eacute;e par une forte concentration de Mytilus planulatus et de Lunella undulata, ainsi que des poissons de petite et moyenne taille probablement issus des criques et des zones sableuses peu profondes, transform & eacute;s & agrave; l'aide d'outils en pierre d'origine locale. Bien que la r & eacute;colte de certains mollusques pr & eacute;sente une certaine similarit & eacute; au fil du temps, la richesse et la diversit & eacute; taxonomiques varient consid & eacute;rablement, soulignant les diff & eacute;rences dans les modes de subsistance et l'interaction avec des environnements c & ocirc;tiers complexes.
Recent suggestions that palm log rafts may have transported moai statues on Rapa Nui require evaluation of whether fresh palm wood can provide sufficient buoyancy for multi-ton cargo. This analysis integrates experimental flotation tests, structural analyses of palm stem anatomy, and buoyancy calculations using modern palm analogs to reconstruct the extinct Rapa Nui palm. Fresh palm logs sink when placed in water because of their internal structure: stems consist of approximately 20% liquid by volume, contained within thousands of water-filled vascular tubes, surrounded by a thin, brittle cortex. This yields effective densities of 800-1,200 kg/m3 that approach or exceed seawater density. Even logs that barely float provide essentially zero freeboard for cargo, while concentrated statue loads cause structural failure through the cortex. These physical constraints, the absence of sunken moai, the rapid decomposition of palm wood, and Polynesian watercraft capacity limits that preclude moving average-sized statues, together demonstrate that water transport of moai was physically impossible. Overland transport was the sole viable mode of transport on Rapa Nui. Des propositions r & eacute;centes sugg & eacute;rant que des radeaux constitu & eacute;s de troncs de palmier auraient servi au transport des statues moai & agrave; Rapa Nui n & eacute;cessitent une & eacute;valuation rigoureuse de la capacit & eacute; du bois de palmier frais & agrave; fournir une flottabilit & eacute; suffisante pour des charges de plusieurs tonnes. La pr & eacute;sente analyse int & egrave;gre des essais exp & eacute;rimentaux de flottabilit & eacute;, des analyses structurales de l'anatomie des tiges de palmier et des calculs de portance fond & eacute;s sur des analogues modernes afin de reconstituer les propri & eacute;t & eacute;s du palmier aujourd'hui disparu de Rapa Nui. Les troncs de palmier frais coulent lorsqu'ils sont immerg & eacute;s en raison de leur structure interne: les tiges contiennent environ 20 % de liquide en volume, r & eacute;parti dans des milliers de faisceaux vasculaires gorg & eacute;s d'eau, entour & eacute;s d'un cortex mince et fragile. Il en r & eacute;sulte des densit & eacute;s effectives comprises entre 800 et 1 200 kg/m3, proches ou sup & eacute;rieures & agrave; celle de l'eau de mer. M & ecirc;me les troncs flottant & agrave; peine n'offrent pratiquement aucun franc-bord pour une charge, tandis que des charges concentr & eacute;es de statues provoquent des ruptures structurales du cortex. Ces contraintes physiques, l'absence de moai submerg & eacute;s, la d & eacute;composition rapide du bois de palmier et les limites de capacit & eacute; des embarcations polyn & eacute;siennes-qui excluent le d & eacute;placement de statues de taille moyenne-d & eacute;montrent conjointement que le transport maritime des moai & eacute;tait physiquement impossible. Le transport terrestre constituait l'unique mode viable & agrave; Rapa Nui.
One of four large valleys on the windward side of East Moloka'i, H & amacr;lawa was a major centre of traditional irrigated taro cultivation in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Leveraging prior results of archaeological research undertaken in 1969-1970, from 2020 to 2022 we investigated the valley's irrigated and dryland agricultural features in order to better understand the longue dur & eacute;e of agricultural development, and to assess the long-term sustainability of the agroecosystem. Extensive sampling and analysis of soil nutrient properties reveal that the colluvial slopes have the greatest potential to support intensive cultivation, and that the irrigated alluvial flats are likely enriched by periodic transport of colluvial sediments due to flooding and overland mass transport. The earliest evidence for agricultural activities, dated to ca. AD 1200, is suggestive of shifting cultivation on the colluvial slopes. Stone-faced irrigated terraces were in place by at least by the late 13th or early 14th centuries, and a stone-lined irrigation canal by the mid-15th century. Extensive pondfields on the lower alluvial flats near the river mouth were constructed later, in the mid-17th century, presumably after the marshy terrain was elevated through deposition of sediments eroded from the interior valley slopes. Extensive dryland (non-irrigated) terraces were constructed on the colluvial slopes in the 17th and 18th centuries. Geochemical analysis of stratified sediments in pondfield terraces is indicative of some nutrient draw-down through intensive cultivation over long time periods, however the agroecosystem remained sustainable due to continued rejuvenation of soil nutrients through regular down-valley transport of fertile colluvium. Potential drivers of agricultural intensification are discussed. H & amacr;lawa, l'une des quatre grandes vall & eacute;es situ & eacute;es du c & ocirc;t & eacute; expos & eacute; au vent de Moloka'i Est, & eacute;tait un important centre de culture traditionnelle du taro irrigu & eacute; aux XIXe et d & eacute;but XXe si & egrave;cles. En nous appuyant sur les r & eacute;sultats de recherches arch & eacute;ologiques men & eacute;es en 1969-1970, nous avons men & eacute;, de 2020 & agrave; 2022, des & eacute;tudes et des fouilles dans les zones agricoles irrigu & eacute;es et s & egrave;ches de la vall & eacute;e afin de mieux comprendre le d & eacute;veloppement agricole & agrave; long terme et d'& eacute;valuer la durabilit & eacute; & agrave; long terme de l'agro & eacute;cosyst & egrave;me. Des & eacute;chantillonnages et analyses approfondis des propri & eacute;t & eacute;s nutritives du sol r & eacute;v & egrave;lent que les pentes colluviales pr & eacute;sentent le plus fort potentiel pour une culture intensive, et que les plaines alluviales irrigu & eacute;es sont probablement enrichies par le transport p & eacute;riodique de s & eacute;diments colluviaux d & ucirc; aux inondations et au transport terrestre de masse. Les premi & egrave;res traces d'activit & eacute;s agricoles, dat & eacute;es d'environ 1200 apr & egrave;s J.-C., sugg & egrave;rent une culture itin & eacute;rante sur les pentes colluviales. Des terrasses irrigu & eacute;es & agrave; parement pierreux & eacute;taient en place au moins & agrave; la fin du XIIIe ou au d & eacute;but du XIVe si & egrave;cle, et un canal d'irrigation bord & eacute; de pierres & eacute;tait en place au milieu du XVe si & egrave;cle. De vastes champs d'& eacute;tangs sur les plaines alluviales inf & eacute;rieures pr & egrave;s de l'embouchure du fleuve ont & eacute;t & eacute; am & eacute;nag & eacute;s plus tard, au milieu du XVIIe si & egrave;cle, vraisemblablement apr & egrave;s que le terrain mar & eacute;cageux ait & eacute;t & eacute; sur & eacute;lev & eacute; par le d & eacute;p & ocirc;t de s & eacute;diments & eacute;rod & eacute;s des pentes int & eacute;rieures de la vall & eacute;e. De vastes terrasses s & egrave;ches (non irrigu & eacute;es) ont & eacute;t & eacute; am & eacute;nag & eacute;es sur les pentes colluviales aux XVIIe et XVIIIe si & egrave;cles. L'analyse g & eacute;ochimique des s & eacute;diments stratifi & eacute;s des terrasses des champs d'& eacute;tangs indique une certaine absorption des nutriments par la culture intensive sur de longues p & eacute;riodes. Cependant, l'agro & eacute;cosyst & egrave;me est rest & eacute; durable gr & acirc;ce au renouvellement continu des nutriments du sol par le transport r & eacute;gulier de colluvions fertiles vers l'aval de la vall & eacute;e. Les facteurs potentiels de l'intensification agricole sont abord & eacute;s.
Geochemical studies of basalt quarries, rock sources and stone adzes and their biproducts found at distant habitation sites have increasingly allowed archaeologists to track the direction of island colonisation and post-settlement interaction and proffer explanations for the development of social complexity in Polynesia. The Tuamotu Archipelago is unrivalled for studying inter-archipelago transfer of stone tools in East Polynesia, as the islands consist of coral sand and limestone with no local sources of volcanic rock. Indeed, with at least 155 imported stone adzes known from the Tuamotus weighing similar to 75 kg-more than any other archipelago in Polynesia-the challenge is to determine artefact origin. Using museum collections, we geochemically analysed 25 basalt adzes and preforms (in addition to 19 analyses from a previous study), to track intra-and inter-archipelago transfer of these stone tools. Artefacts analysed by inductively coupled mass spectrometry (ICP-MS) were demonstrated to have originated from the Hawaiian Islands, some 4000 km distant, Marquesas Islands, Pitcairn Island, Austral Islands, the Society Islands and possibly S & amacr;moa. As almost all artefacts were from known atolls, but not dated archaeological sites, we used Duff adze types to assign broad temporal control to the assemblage. We acknowledge that the importance of long-curated museum collections cannot be overstated. Les & eacute;tudes g & eacute;ochimiques des carri & egrave;res de basalte, des gisements, des herminettes en pierre ainsi que leur production d & eacute;riv & eacute;e d & eacute;couverts & agrave; proximit & eacute; de sites d'habitation permettent aux arch & eacute;ologues de mieux appr & eacute;hender les mouvements de colonisation des & icirc;les et les interactions qui s'ensuivent, et de proposer des clefs d'explication quant au d & eacute;veloppement de la complexit & eacute; sociale en Polyn & eacute;sie. L'archipel des Tuamotu constitue un cas unique pour l'& eacute;tude des & eacute;changes inter-archipel d'outillage lithique en Polyn & eacute;sie orientale car les & icirc;les basses constitu & eacute;es de sable corallien et de calcaire n'offrent naturellement aucune ressource en roche volcanique. Sur la base de 155 herminettes en pierre r & eacute;colt & eacute;es aux Tuamotu, pour un poids d'environ 75 kg-plus qu'aucun autre archipel en Polyn & eacute;sie-le d & eacute;fi consiste & agrave; en d & eacute;terminer l'origine. A partir de collections mus & eacute;ales, nous avons conduit l'analyse g & eacute;ochimique de 44 herminettes et pr & eacute;formes en basalte (incluant 19 objets d'une pr & eacute;c & eacute;dente & eacute;tude), pour identifier le transfert intra- et inter-archipel de ces artefacts. Les objets analys & eacute;s par spectrom & eacute;trie de masse coupl & eacute;e & agrave; un plasma inductif (ICP-MS) proviennent des & icirc;les Hawai'i, & agrave; quelques 4.000 km de distance, des Marquises, de Pitcairn, des Australes, des & icirc;les de la Soci & eacute;t & eacute; et possiblement des S & amacr;moa. Si ces artefacts viennent d'atolls connus, leurs sites de d & eacute;couverte ne peuvent en revanche & ecirc;tre dat & eacute;s, aussi avons-nous eu recours & agrave; la typologie de Duff pour leur assigner un ancrage chronologique. Il importe ici de souligner l'importance des collections mus & eacute;ales.
This paper reports on the excavation of a cache of stone artefacts, buried on the bank of a waterhole or 'billabong' in central western Queensland. This is an extremely rare find, and yet it is the second such site to be reported within less than a 10 km radius. Consisting entirely of 60 large tula adzes with varying degrees of retouch on the margins, none of the artefacts show evidence of hafting or use. Three sets of artefacts conjoin, showing that the tulas in each pair were produced during the same reduction event. Dating evidence suggests that the cache was buried sometime within the last 200 years. This find therefore provides a unique insight into caching practices, and has implications for understanding the economic management of resources in the semi-arid zone during the late Holocene period. Cet article rend compte de la fouille d'une cache d'artefacts en pierre taill & eacute;es, enfouie sur la rive d'un point d'eau ou << billabong >> dans le centre-ouest du Queensland. Il s'agit d'une d & eacute;couverte extr & ecirc;mement rare, et pourtant c'est le deuxi & egrave;me site de ce type & agrave; & ecirc;tre signal & eacute; dans un rayon de moins de 10 km. Compos & eacute;e exclusivement de 60 grandes herminettes tula pr & eacute;sentant diff & eacute;rents degr & eacute;s de retouche sur les bords, aucun des artefacts ne montre de traces d'emmanchement ou d'utilisation. Trois ensembles d'artefacts s'embo & icirc;tent, ce qui indique que les herminettes de chaque paire ont & eacute;t & eacute; produites lors du m & ecirc;me processus de taille. Les donn & eacute;es de datation sugg & egrave;rent que la cache a & eacute;t & eacute; enfouie au cours des 200 derni & egrave;res ann & eacute;es. Cette d & eacute;couverte offre donc un aper & ccedil;u unique des pratiques de stockage et a des implications pour la compr & eacute;hension de la gestion & eacute;conomique des ressources dans la zone semi-aride & agrave; la fin de l'Holoc & egrave;ne.
This paper examines dwelling remains associated with the first British to arrive at the Swan River colony in 1829-1830. The structures at the Peel town settlement comprise a mix of prefabricated timber structures with glazed windows and a range of floor material, non-customised canvas structures and customised canvas structures. All used local material-in particular limestone-for hearths and fireplaces, and as anchors and supports for timber posts and canvas. Previous research on dwellings suggest the feature can inform on people's differential access to building materials, the enlargement of families or the population of a place, changing economic and social standing, people's defence against others, and people's views about a place's permanence. The dwellings from Peel town reinforce the conclusions of some of these themes, but add to the inventory by using dwellings to view the preparations some made of settling a new land during the modern period. However, earlier models using structures to decide settlement permanency were found unsuitable due to the culture of the 19th century British with their access to goods to counter initial settlement stress, and the place forming part of the initial settlement of a new area. Cet article examine les vestiges d'habitations associ & eacute;s aux premiers Britanniques arriv & eacute;s dans la colonie de Swan River en 1829-1830. Les structures de la colonie de Peel Town comprennent un m & eacute;lange de structures pr & eacute;fabriqu & eacute;es en bois avec des fen & ecirc;tres vitr & eacute;es et divers mat & eacute;riaux de rev & ecirc;tement de sol, des structures en toile non personnalis & eacute;es et des structures en toile personnalis & eacute;es. Tous utilisaient des mat & eacute;riaux locaux, en particulier le calcaire, pour les foyers et les chemin & eacute;es, ainsi que pour les ancrages et les supports des poteaux en bois et des toiles. Les recherches ant & eacute;rieures sur les habitations sugg & egrave;rent que cette caract & eacute;ristique peut fournir des informations sur l'acc & egrave;s diff & eacute;rentiel des personnes aux mat & eacute;riaux de construction, l'agrandissement des familles ou la population d'un lieu, l'& eacute;volution du statut & eacute;conomique et social, la d & eacute;fense des personnes contre les autres et leur opinion sur la permanence d'un lieu. Les habitations de la ville de Peel renforcent les conclusions de certains de ces th & egrave;mes, mais enrichissent l'inventaire en utilisant les habitations pour examiner les pr & eacute;paratifs effectu & eacute;s par certains pour s'installer sur une nouvelle terre & agrave; l'& eacute;poque moderne. Cependant, les mod & egrave;les ant & eacute;rieurs utilisant des structures pour d & eacute;terminer la permanence d'une colonie ont & eacute;t & eacute; jug & eacute;s inadapt & eacute;s en raison de la culture britannique du XIXe si & egrave;cle, qui avait acc & egrave;s & agrave; des biens permettant de contrer le stress initial li & eacute; & agrave; la colonisation, et du fait que le lieu faisait partie de la colonisation initiale d'une nouvelle r & eacute;gion.
A wide variety of lithic materials was utilised by the indigenous M & amacr;ori population of Aotearoa, New Zealand, from the time of initial settlement in the mid to late 13th century. During the early period (c. AD 1250-1500), finished stone tools and/or raw materials were transferred between neighbouring regions, in addition to long-distance dispersal of more highly valued lithics (e.g., obsidian, meta-argillite). By the late period (c. AD 1500-1800), use of many of the early adze materials (e.g., basalt, meta-argillite) had ceased or markedly declined, in favour of other lithologies such as greywacke and nephrite (pounamu). Exchange networks also appear to have become more restricted. To facilitate a better understanding of the overall pre-European utilisation of stone resources in the country, eight lithic provinces are proposed. Each contains significant sources of one or more lithic materials, and all include suitable rock types for the manufacture of adzes. The archaeological distribution of some adze materials, the types of materials that were exchanged, and important temporal changes in the use of stone resources are also reviewed. Une grande vari & eacute;t & eacute; de mat & eacute;riaux lithiques a & eacute;t & eacute; utilis & eacute;e par la population indig & egrave;ne M & amacr;ori d'Aotearoa en Nouvelle-Z & eacute;lande & agrave; partir de l'& eacute;poque de la colonisation initiale du milieu & agrave; la fin du XIIIe si & egrave;cle. Au cours de la premi & egrave;re p & eacute;riode (vers 1250-1500 ap. J.-C.), des outils en pierre finis et/ou des mati & egrave;res premi & egrave;res ont & eacute;t & eacute; transf & eacute;r & eacute;s entre les r & eacute;gions voisines, en plus de la dispersion & agrave; longue distance de lithiques de plus grande valeur (par exemple, l'obsidienne, la m & eacute;ta-argilite). & Agrave; la fin de la p & eacute;riode (vers 1500-1800 ap. J.-C.), l'utilisation de nombreux mat & eacute;riaux anciens de l'herminette (par exemple, le basalte, la m & eacute;ta-argilite) avait cess & eacute; ou avait nettement diminu & eacute;, au profit d'autres lithologies telles que le grauwacke et la n & eacute;phrite (pounamu). Les r & eacute;seaux d'& eacute;change semblent & eacute;galement & ecirc;tre devenus plus restreints. Pour faciliter une meilleure compr & eacute;hension de l'utilisation globale pr & eacute;-europ & eacute;enne des ressources en pierre dans le pays, huit provinces lithiques sont propos & eacute;es. Chacun contient des sources importantes d'un ou plusieurs mat & eacute;riaux lithiques, et tous comprennent des types de roches appropri & eacute;s pour la fabrication d'herminettes. La distribution arch & eacute;ologique de certains mat & eacute;riaux d'herminette, les types de mat & eacute;riaux qui ont & eacute;t & eacute; & eacute;chang & eacute;s et les changements temporels importants dans l'utilisation des ressources en pierre sont & eacute;galement examin & eacute;s.
Human settlement in much of the Pacific Islands, including Micronesia, is closely associated with littoral or coastal environments. From an ethnographic perspective, crossing the land-sea boundary is a habitual and necessary act of existence for people who inhabit both volcanic and coral islands. Fishing, marine hunting, intertidal foraging, and the cultivation of plants have been integral to subsistence economies in this region. Coastal and intertidal sites are an ideal setting for exploring concepts of boundaries, liminality, and middle ground. Here, we take a multi-site approach to understanding the importance of this environment, drawing on case studies from the volcanic island of Pohnpei and the coral atoll of Pingelap. Engaging with archaeobotanical (phytolith and plant macroremain) and excavation datasets, we explore the creation of sites on the water's edge. Specifically, we are interested in how littoral zones have been used in the Micronesian past, and the ways in which these environments function as liminal spaces - that is to say, culturally distinctive thresholds between the land and sea. L'& eacute;tablissement de populations humaines dans la plupart des & Icirc;les du Pacifique, incluant la Micron & eacute;sie, est & eacute;troitement associ & eacute; aux littoraux et environments c & ocirc;tiers. D'un point de vue ethnographique, traverser la limite terre-mer est un acte de subsistance r & eacute;gulier et n & eacute;cessaire pour les peuples vivant & agrave; la fois sur des & Icirc;les volcaniques et coralliennes. La p & ecirc;che, la chasse sous-marine, la qu & ecirc;te de nourriture intertidale, et la culture de plantes ont & eacute;t & eacute; int & eacute;gr & eacute;es aux & eacute;conomies de subsistance de cette r & eacute;gion. Les sites c & ocirc;tiers et intertidaux sont des r & eacute;gions id & eacute;ales pour & eacute;tudier les concepts de limites, de transitions, et de juste milieu. Ici, nous adoptons une approche multi-sites pour comprendre l'importance de cet environnement en se basant sur des cas & eacute;tudi & eacute;s sur l'& Icirc;le volcanique de Pohnpei et l'atoll coralien de Pingelap. En utilisant des bases de donn & eacute;es arch & eacute;obotaniques (phytolithe et restes de plantes) et d'excavation, nous explorons la cr & eacute;ation de sites sur le rivage. Sp & eacute;cifiquement, nous sommes int & eacute;ress & eacute;s sur comment les zones littorales ont & eacute;t & eacute; utilis & eacute;es par le pass & eacute;, et sur les fa & ccedil;ons dont ces environnements fonctionnent comme espaces liminaux-c'est-& agrave;-dire comme seuil distinctifs entre terre et mer.
Rings made on marine shell are a conspicuous artefact form found throughout cultural sequences for much of the Pacific over millennia. Despite their importance in both recent and ancient times, in-depth consideration of the manufacturing processes involved in shell ring production are limited. In this paper, we present for the first time, a detailed cha & icirc;ne op & eacute;ratoire for Lapita period rings made from the nacreous shell, Rochia nilotica. Our examination of two large archaeological assemblages from Lapita period sites in Vanuatu and accompanying experimental replication of Rochia shell ring production provides key insights into what was an important social technology for Lapita and other communities across the Pacific. In broader context, previous research has highlighted the importance of understanding the selection, manufacture, and use of shell artefacts for elucidating a range of technological, economic, and social practices in both Oceania and beyond, and as such, this study works toward building a more robust appreciation of shell ornamentation globally. Les bagues en coquillage marin constituent une form d'artefact remarquable, retrouv & eacute;e tout au long des s & eacute;quences culturelles d'une grande partie du Pacifique au fil des mill & eacute;naires. Malgr & eacute; leur importance, tant & agrave; l'& eacute;poque r & eacute;cente qu'& agrave; l'& eacute;poque ancienne, les proc & eacute;d & eacute;s de fabrication des bagues en coquillage restent peu & eacute;tudi & eacute;s. Dans cet article, nous pr & eacute;sentons pour la premi & egrave;re fois une cha & icirc;ne op & eacute;ratoire d & eacute;taill & eacute;e des bagues de la p & eacute;riode Lapita fabriqu & eacute;es & agrave; partir de la coquille nacr & eacute;e Rochia nilotica. L'examen de deux grands ensembles arch & eacute;ologiques provenant de sites de la p & eacute;riode Lapita au Vanuatu et la reproduction exp & eacute;rimentale de la production de bagues en coquillage Rochia qui l'accompagne apportent des & eacute;clairages essentiels sur ce qui constituait une technologie sociale importante pour les Lapita et d'autres communaut & eacute;s du Pacifique. Plus largement, des recherches ant & eacute;rieures ont soulign & eacute; l'importance de comprendre la s & eacute;lection, la fabrication et l'utilisation des artefacts en coquillage pour & eacute;lucider diverses pratiques technologiques, & eacute;conomiques et sociales en Oc & eacute;anie et au-del & agrave;. Cette & eacute;tude vise donc & agrave; mieux comprendre l'ornementation en coquillage & agrave; l'& eacute;chelle mondiale.
Unlike the dominant Australian savanna-sclerophyll vegetation, tropical rainforests do not burn easily. Any evidence of fire in Australian rainforests therefore invites explanations of its source. Analysis of 187 radiocarbon dates that include selected charcoal fragments from 23 soil pits and 7 archaeological sites from the Wet Tropics Bioregion (WTB) in far North Queensland, suggests a strong relationship between natural and cultural firing regimes over many millennia. The magnitude and frequency of fire represented in the charcoal chronology challenge previous arguments that rainforest experienced a reduction in firing through the Holocene. The results throw new light on the origin and continuation of isolated eucalypt forest pockets within Australia's tropical rainforest. Contrairement & agrave; la v & eacute;g & eacute;tation scl & eacute;rophylle dominante de la savane australienne, les for & ecirc;ts tropicales humides ne br & ucirc;lent pas facilement. Toute trace d'incendie dans les for & ecirc;ts tropicales australiennes appelle donc une explication de son origine. L'analyse de cent quatre-vingt-sept datations au radiocarbone, incluant des fragments de charbon de bois s & eacute;lectionn & eacute;s provenant de 23 fosses p & eacute;dologiques et de sept sites arch & eacute;ologiques de la bior & eacute;gion des tropiques humides (WTB), dans l'extr & ecirc;me nord du Queensland, sugg & egrave;re une forte relation entre les r & eacute;gimes de feu naturels et culturels sur plusieurs mill & eacute;naires. L'ampleur et la fr & eacute;quence des incendies repr & eacute;sent & eacute;s dans la chronologie du charbon de bois remettent en cause les arguments ant & eacute;rieurs selon lesquels la for & ecirc;t tropicale a connu une r & eacute;duction des incendies au cours de l'Holoc & egrave;ne. Ces r & eacute;sultats apportent un nouvel & eacute;clairage sur l'origine et la persistance de poches isol & eacute;es de for & ecirc;ts d'eucalyptus au sein de la for & ecirc;t tropicale humide australienne.
Raw materials are used to characterise the early settlement of Aotearoa Te Wai Pounamu New Zealand by Māori. Current models suggest change in raw material use over time occurred in response to changing social organisation and reduced resource availability. However, few studies have examined spatial variation in raw material use. Here we examine four basalt artefact assemblages from Ahuahu Great Mercury Island to examine potential spatial variation and test the assumption of a lack of material economising in the earliest occupation. We explore this through the concept of adze recycling. Results suggest conservative use of basalt from the earliest occupation on Ahuahu through the recycling of adzes, with differences in resource use among adjacent locations. We suggest basalt use may have involved the bulk procurement of stone resources, provisioning of place and the recycling of material.
