Africa has historically been a focal point of great power rivalry, raising questions about its ability to assert agency in the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR). This study interrogates Africa's positionality in the great power competition between the United States and China in the 4IR. The author places Africa at the centre of the US-China competition, and argues that the continent is not bereft of the capacity to assert agency, as its decision-makers are adept at hedging. Africa exercises agency by leveraging its critical mineral preponderance and burgeoning digital market amid ruptured US-China relations to secure preferred outcomes that align with the continent's interests, domestic needs and financial realities. African agency is constrained, however, by a dysfunctional regional body and the digital infrastructure deficits that continue to characterise the continent. Steps to gain financial independence from external actors and to close enforcement gaps are key.
This article examines what kind of peace Africa ought to aim for in today's era of technological revolution. Aiming for a normative prescription that is demanding but not entirely utopian, the starting point of this article is diplomatic peace. By analysing key United Nations General Assembly documents, asking to what they liken peace, the article identifies three dimensions of a diplomatic peace, namely: restraint, compromise and dialogue. Then, it explores how UN documents have succeeded and failed to translate these three dimensions into a tech diplomatic peace, and how the practices of relevant actors have followed up on these promises about tech. The results are sobering. There is a translation gap, particularly regarding restraint, and a follow-up gap in relation to compromise and dialogue. The analysis concludes with policy recommendations for how African actors can contribute to advancing a tech diplomatic peace.
While global and national frameworks such as United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and South Africa's National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) emphasise women's participation in peace and security, grassroots actors - particularly women traditional leaders - are often overlooked. Drawing on engagements with queens and women traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape, the study highlights how everyday digital practices are being used to build networks, share resources, and advance peace and development in contexts of poverty and inequality. By situating these practices within Africa's broader innovations in WPS implementation, the article underscores the importance of recognising digital grassroots peacebuilding as central to achieving 'positive peace' rooted in justice, dignity and social well-being. It argues that integrating the digital practices of women traditional leaders into South Africa's WPS plan would strengthen its effectiveness and ensure that local contributions are meaningfully incorporated into national and regional peace and security frameworks.
This article examines the transformation of Islamist insurgencies into governing entities. It compares the recent insurgent takeovers of government in Afghanistan and Syria with ongoing insurgencies led by al-Shabaab in Somalia and Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal-Muslimin in Mali. The article emphasises the role of international intervention in shaping conflict outcomes and investigates whether similar state takeovers might occur in Africa. Arguing further that the withdrawal of external military forces can be conducive to insurgent groups seizing power, the article evaluates the potential for comparable developments in Somalia and Mali under similar conditions. It concludes that the potential for a takeover is greater in Mali than in Somalia.
This article examines how the wartime organisational structure of rebel groups influences their capacity for effective governance after conflict. It argues that groups with more developed hierarchical structures and ideological cohesion are better positioned to transition into capable political actors in the post-war period. Drawing on literature on rebel governance and state formation theory, the article employs comparative process tracing to analyse the relationship between wartime governance structures and post-conflict state-building. The analysis centres on three African cases with distinct organisational features and governance trajectories: the Somali National Movement (SNM), the de facto government authority in Somaliland; the hierarchically driven Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF); and Resist & ecirc;ncia Nacional Mocambicana (RENAMO) in Mozambique, which entered government through a negotiated settlement. The findings suggest that variation in internal organisational coherence and wartime governance experience significantly shape a group's ability to influence political transitions and post-conflict governance effectiveness.
This article examines the practice of subsidiarity in contemporary global security governance, using Somalia as a case study. It analyses the African Union's intervention through its Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), in partnership with the United Nations and a range of state and non-state actors. While subsidiarity seeks to enhance legitimacy by empowering regional organisations to lead responses to regional crises, the Somali case demonstrates how it may be constrained by hierarchical power asymmetries, fragmented mandates and financing dependencies. The article explains how coordination gaps, conflicting political interests and hybrid actors - including insurgent groups such as al-Shabaab - undermine stabilisation and state-building efforts. By combining global governance theory with empirical analysis, the article argues that subsidiarity without financial empowerment and strategic alignment can perpetuate structural inequalities. The findings underscore the need for more coherent, adequately resourced and politically aligned governance frameworks to enhance the effectiveness of peace operations in complex conflict environments.
Climate change has exacerbated developmental issues in both India and South Africa, through extreme natural disasters and through health, water and food security challenges. Both New Delhi and Pretoria have continued to pursue shared goals of inclusive and equitable development in renewable energy, sustainable agriculture, technological advancements and resource transfer. The record demonstrates that they uphold a common stance on historical responsibility, equity, justice and common but differentiated responsibility in climate action. Against this backdrop, this article aims to analyse the partnership between India and South Africa in combating climate change at bilateral and multilateral levels. The analysis is conducted from an ecological modernisation theory perspective to contextualise the relationship between economic growth and environmental sustainability. The study's key findings reveal the disparities between the potential for climate cooperation and the actual extent of climate cooperation between India and South Africa.
This article examines the Responsibility to Rebuild (R2R) implementation in Libya following the 2011 NATO intervention, the first explicit application of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. Through comparative case study analysis, it evaluates whether the international community fulfilled its rebuilding obligations by comparing Libya's pre- and post-2011 conditions across political governance, economic stability, and social welfare indicators. The analysis applies normative success criteria based on International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty principles and empirical measurement using proportionality. Findings reveal that despite multiple international initiatives, efforts have remained fragmented, short-term and insufficient. Over a decade later, Libya has worsened indicators compared to pre-intervention conditions. The article proposes six reforms to strengthen R2R: prioritising local legitimacy and inclusion; rebuilding institutions and security; advancing economic redistribution; ensuring transitional justice; deepening international responsibility; and introducing normative follow-up mechanisms. Libya's case offers urgent lessons for future post-conflict interventions and R2P's credibility.
In 2019, with China's 'Angola Model' recognised as unsustainable and the prior-year onset of the US-China trade war, China launched the China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo. This took place in Hunan Province, which now also hosts the China-Africa Economic and Trade Deep Cooperation Pilot Zone. These twin signature Africa policies newly position Hunan Province as something of a project implementation unit for China-Africa development, this article argues. This article posits that Hunan being home to industries well-positioned to invest in Africa's next phase of industrial development - namely agribusiness, construction, heavy industry and transportation industries - positions China to invest in contemporary intra-African trade and development agendas. Further, Hunan Province was fundamental to China's progress in alleviating hunger and poverty in China, the research shows. Could this offer a new era of China-Africa-focused globalisation and development out of Beijing? Policy and research suggestions are offered accordingly.
