Abstract Although scholars and high-ranking government officials have long recognized the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church for its immense political, social, and economic contributions over millennia, it has faced escalating epistemic and physical attacks over the past half-century, intensifying significantly since 2018. The study examines the nature and underlying causes of these multifaceted assaults on the EOTC and explores possible mechanisms for addressing them in the future. A qualitative research approach with a case study design was employed, drawing extensively on primary and secondary sources. This study argues that distorted narratives about the EOTC, the rise of ethnodoxy, and the tacit silence of the government have contributed to the persecution of clergy and the faithful, the burning and destruction of churches, and the profanation and appropriation of the Church’s epistemic heritage. The study concludes that unless structured counter-epistemic violence measures, church administrative reforms, and equitable political representation are secured, the institutional freedom and existence of the Church will remain in peril.
Abstract The paper provides a critical overview of the relevant legal framework of minority language rights in Serbia, with special focus on the official use of languages. Considering the social-demographic changes and available tools of the digital era, there is an inevitable need to reform decades-old legal solutions in the country, adjusting them to the new reality. The study argues that, while maintaining the traditional territorial principle (but adapting it to the local specificities of the respective national minorities), the scope of linguistic rights that can be exercised on a personal basis in the public sector should be expanded. In Serbia, this has a constitutional basis, but a serious paradigm shift is needed at both the legislative and institutional levels.
Abstract This article investigates the interaction of the Geographical Indication (GI) regimes and the gendered institutional structure in the craft economies of India, Morocco, and Tunisia. By analysing different types of documents and policies (2000–2024) related to registry data, information from producer associations, and institutional reports, the research attempts to answer the following questions: (1) how much do GI frameworks really enhance women’s participation in governance, and do they also bring women’s artisans’ economic gains to the extent they are meant? And (2) what institution changes or reforms can be proposed to make the gap between cultural recognition and socio-economic sharing less wide? The results indicate that although GIs help and shine brightly in terms of market visibility and cultural sector branding, they seldom or never change the aspects of ownership, governance or revenue-sharing. Women are still the backbone of production, but are marginalised in the decision-making process and distribution of advantages. It also suggests the incorporation of gender audits, women’s cooperatives, and participatory certification as means to assure GIs not only support the cultural heritage but also gender justice.
Abstract This article analyses patterns of political representation preferences among North Frisians in regional and federal parliamentary elections within the German federal province of Schleswig-Holstein. It examines their political preferences for elected bodies and assesses the capacity of their ethnic channel of representation within their traditional areas of settlement. Given their numerical inferiority, Frisian representatives must address their issues through cooperation across other ethnic and party lines. By analysing campaign messages and electoral outcomes of the major political groups in Schleswig-Holstein, this article demonstrates how North Frisian concerns are addressed through both ethnic and mainstream channels of representation. The study shows that understanding the political behaviour of smaller minority groups, particularly those whose numbers are not officially tracked, requires looking beyond simple election figures and considering policy goals, party offerings, personal factors, and voter choices.
Abstract Since 1993, the Sámi have been the only recognized Indigenous people within the European Union. However, their official engagement with European politics has been limited. This has recently begun to change, as the EU’s ongoing Arctic pivot has drawn Sámi political actors to Brussels. Using the English School approach, this case study traces the evolution of Sámi–EU relations from the early 1990s to the present to explore and analysis the mechanisms of engagement the Sámi have used to gain access to high-level European decision-making and what the EU itself should hope to gain through stronger ties with this Indigenous people. The analysis of these events reveals a growing political relationship between the Sámi and the EU. However, shifting political conditions and the absence of a formal European-level framework for Indigenous Peoples’ Rights, constrain the potential for more equitable relations both within the European sphere and Arctic.
Abstract The Rohingya Hindus are a minority group of the Rohingya community in Myanmar. The vast majority of Hindus in the Rakhine province are citizens of Myanmar and can use the bulk of their constitutional rights. The 2014 Myanmar population and housing Census report stated that an estimated 9,791 Hindus reside in the area, accounting for approximately 0.5% of the population. During the British colonial era, most Hindus in Myanmar came from British India. Since Buddhism and Hinduism both have historical ties and were founded on the same continent, Hindu Rohingya people in Myanmar encounter fewer issues than Muslims. However, around a million individuals of Indian descent, primarily Hindus, were driven out of Myanmar following the military takeover in 1962. The military persecution, torture, and genocide were followed by 87,000 Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh from October 2016 to July 2017. Although the majority of this community is Muslim, several Hindus have, for the first time in history, recently fled to Bangladesh. Currently, 528 registered and approximately 700–800 unregistered Hindu Rohingya are living in the Hindu Rohingya camp near Bangladesh’s Kutupalong-Balukhali refugee camp. The Rohingya Muslim population has been the centre of attention since the start of the Rohingya exodus into Bangladesh. But for a long time, Hindu Rohingyas have gotten little attention because of their modest numbers and lack of national and international recognition. An analysis of the causes of the Hindu Rohingya refugees’ migration to Bangladesh is attempted in this chapter. Additionally, it looks into the lives of Hindu Rohingya refugees in post-COVID Rohingya camps, their relationship with the Muslim Rohingya refugees and the host community, and their opinions on repatriation amid the ongoing crisis in Myanmar’s Rakhine state in present-day Myanmar. This chapter is an exploratory and empirical research endeavour that used both qualitative and quantitative methods to analyse Hindu Rohingya refugees from Myanmar residing in Bangladesh.
Abstract This study explores the Islamic perspective on minority rights and examines the legal and social frameworks of Pakistan and Nigeria for ensuring these rights. Islam advocates a just and peaceful society where all individuals, regardless of faith, are afforded equal opportunities and protection. Historically, Islam has emphasized respect and safeguarding of non-Muslims, a principle exemplified by Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) policies in Medina. However, contemporary challenges persist, particularly in ethnically and religiously diverse societies such as Pakistan and Nigeria, where minorities often face discrimination and socioeconomic exclusion. The study underscores the necessity of governmental commitment to upholding constitutional provisions that protect minority rights. In Pakistan, various ethnic and religious minorities experience economic marginalization, particularly in regions like Balochistan and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Similarly, Nigeria, a diverse and populous West African nation, continues to grapple with religious and ethnic discrimination despite constitutional guarantees of religious freedom. This paper delves into the Islamic classification of minorities and their rights, highlighting key principles such as freedom of religion, protection of life and property, employment opportunities, and human dignity. Islamic teachings, reinforced by Qur’an’s injunctions and Hadith, advocate for the just treatment of non-Muslims within Muslim-majority societies. The study emphasizes that ensuring minority rights is not only a religious obligation in Islam but also a crucial factor in fostering national unity and social harmony. The study calls for proactive governmental measures to ensure the practical implementation of minority rights as enshrined in national laws. By promoting socioeconomic inclusiveness and eliminating systemic discrimination, both Pakistan and Nigeria can work towards a more harmonious and cohesive society. The study concludes by recommending interfaith tolerance and equity as foundational principles for achieving long-term peace and security in religiously diverse states.
Abstract Representation of federated units or groups, especially the minorities in the shared rule institution, is one of the basics of federations. Minority rights protection has been the subject of numerous studies, but from many perspectives, protection through this institution is one of the areas that have not received enough attention. To bridge this gap, the major aim of this article is to analyse the role of the shared rule federalism in protecting the rights of minorities in Swiss and Belgian federations in comparative perspective. To achieve this end, this article is based on reviewing scholarly literature, books, journals, and pertinent legal documents. Therefore, the article investigated that using double majority/ veto power; Swiss minorities are better able to protect their interests in the federal policy-making processes. Above all, it also demonstrated how the ‘ Alarm Bell Procedure ,’ an exceptional parliamentary technique, is implemented to safeguard Belgian minority interest in decision making.
Abstract This research explores Indonesia’s approach to refugee protection despite not being a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention and 1967 Protocol. Its originality lies in assessing how international human rights obligations shape national practices and identifying challenges in fulfilling refugees’ rights. Using a normative legal approach, the study analyzes international instruments including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Covenants on Civil, Political, Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights together with Indonesia’s policies, framed by International Minimum Standards and National Treatment Standards. The study finds that Indonesia provides partial protection for refugees, ensuring limited access to housing, health, education, and social services. However, significant gaps remain due to the absence of legal recognition and institutional mechanisms. The research contributes to refugee law by highlighting the obligations of non-signatory states and offers practical implications for strengthening refugee protection in Indonesia and comparable contexts.
Abstract This research investigate intersectional experiences of Christian intersex (both sexual and religious minority) focusing on the effects of direct and structural violence in a predominantly Muslim society. This study employed a qualitative methodology combining participant observation and in-depth interviews to explore the experiences of the Khawajasira community in Islamabad and Rawalpindi, with a focus on violence and social dynamics. Using purposive and snowball sampling, the research gathered data from 15 participants. This data was analyzed through thematic analysis to uncover patterns of violence and community tensions. Findings reveal that while religious expression does not have a direct correlation with the severity of violence, Christian intersex are more vulnerable due to the compounded socio-economic disadvantages and marginalization experienced by the broader Christian community. There is a need to undertake further research in order to draw a direct link between the disadvantaged Christian minority and violence faced by the Christian Intersex/DSD individuals.
Abstract This article analyzes the impact of colonization and the failures of state-building on the survival strategies of minority groups in the Arab region from 1901 to 2001, focusing on their inclusion, coexistence, discrimination, and politicization. It explores the experiences of groups such as the Zaydis in Yemen, Shiites in Saudi Arabia, Alawites in Syria, Druze in Lebanon, and Yazidis in Iraq, highlighting their distinct challenges and adaptive strategies. Tracing the historical evolution of minority identities, the article examines the transition from pre-colonial governance structures, like the Ottoman Millet system, to the imposition of Western-style state models that marginalized minorities by failing to create inclusive national identities. The paper further evaluates how colonization and state-building failures compelled these groups to adopt varied survival strategies—including conflict, protective measures, secrecy, and coexistence amid tension—ultimately shaping their political, economic, cultural, and social realities.
Abstract The Lisbon Treaty recognised respect for the rights of persons belonging to minorities as a fundamental EU value, signalling renewed commitment to minority protection. Yet despite initiatives from the European Parliament and EU citizens, progress has remained limited. Minority rights are politically sensitive, provoking resistance from both EU institutions and Member States. The European Commission’s rejection of the Minority SafePack Initiative epitomised this reluctance, reflecting a broader neglect that undermines the EU’s credibility on its core values. In an era of global uncertainty, consistent adherence to shared principles is vital for political cohesion. While the EU has been assertive on rule of law issues, minority rights have been marginalised, even as far-right populism gains strength. EU-level protection of minorities could counter nationalist narratives and reinforce the European project. Restoring minority rights to the Union’s agenda is not only a matter of justice but also a strategic necessity for defending European unity and identity.
Abstract This article analyzes how the cultural strategies of Russia and Turkey influence identity formation among the indigenous Sakha (Yakut) people. These strategies have different effects on how the Sakha represent their culture and how discussions around their cultural rights arise. The Russian approach is grounded in institutional recognition of Sakha cultural specificity, integrating it into a broader national narrative of multinational unity. The Turkish strategy, by contrast, operates primarily at the symbolic level, enhancing Sakha cultural visibility through appeals to shared Turkic origins and transnational kinship. The study demonstrates how “soft power” operates beyond the Western world and how external cultural influences interact with the domestic politics of a multinational state. This article uses a qualitative analysis of digital media content and cultural practices related to the representation of the Sakha people. A comparative approach reveals differences in the cultural strategies of Russia and Turkey. The authors conclude that symbolic competition between states increases the public visibility of Sakha identity but does not lead to greater autonomy or participation in decision-making. At the same time, digital space serves as an important arena for the formation of the Sakha’s own strategy and self-representation. The study demonstrates that analyzing minority rights requires attention to both regional and digital dimensions, and that indigenous peoples should be viewed as active participants in cultural and symbolic processes rather than passive subjects.
Abstract Scholarship on the marginalization of minorities in Ethiopia has documented the multifaceted ways craft workers experience societal marginalization. However, scant literature exists about the multifarious and complex ways potters 1 in Hossana town, Ethiopia, experience societal marginalization in their everyday encounters with the mainstream society (the Hadiya). This article explores the ways in which potters in Hossana encounter multiple forms of marginalization. Purposive and snowball sampling techniques were used to select participants. Twenty participants from potters and ten participants from Hadiya community participated in the study. In-depth interviews, focus group discussion and participant observation were utilized to collect data. Thematic analysis was used to analyze data and participants disclosed that they experienced manifold type of societal marginalization. These include, inter alia , marginalization in ceremonies, greetings, commensality, community-based organizations, burial sites, education, health, marriage, religious matters and the economy. We argue that the diverse ways potters in Hossana experienced social marginalization reflect similar patterns in other parts of Ethiopia and elsewhere; scholars, therefore, need to look more deeply into why similar patterns of marginalization occur in many parts of the country. The contributions of this article relate to the fact that the various forms of social marginalization of potters in Hossana reveal the tenacity of societal prejudice despite state and non-state interventions to eliminate socio-cultural marginalization of artisan communities in many parts of Ethiopia. Government and NGOs need to actively intervene in alleviating the marginalization of artisan minorities in Ethiopia through empowerment.
Abstract Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction, 2023, (BBNJ Agreement) for the first time created a legally binding obligation on state parties to ensure that free prior informed consent of indigenous and local communities is obtained before outsider gets access to their knowledge associated with the marine genetic resources in areas beyond national jurisdiction. The objective of the present study is to assess the scope of recognition of the rights of indigenous communities over their knowledge related to marine genetic resources in areas beyond national jurisdiction. The crucial question that this article delves into is the implication of the absence of specific provisions in the BBNJ Agreement regarding benefits sharing with the indigenous community when their traditional knowledge related to marine genetic resources is utilised. Furthermore, the challenges to be faced by State Parties in implementing Article 13 are also examined.
Abstract The paper surveys literature and geographies, revisits varied minority experiences, deconstructs entrenched meanings and digs into the past to interrogate and examine the career of the concept, minority. The formation of minority identities is explained through the intricacies of the triadic relationship between state, national public and the minority in question. The triadic lens, nucleus of which is the nation-state, is presented to move away from ‘self’ versus ‘other’ form of explanation frequently offered to describe the rise of minority consciousness or the formation of minority selves. The paper primarily draws from the complexities of the Indian experience, excavating its constitutional and political history. Alongside, it relies on illustrations from diverse sites to argue for a framework to address the pressing question, who is a minority? It underscores the centrality of violence in the making of minority selves. It thus seeks scholarly attention towards the relationship between nationalism, collective violence and the process of minoritisation.
This article takes as its starting point the introduction of the concept of ‘domosity’, intended to articulate and capture the condition of being at home, not in a physical, but in a social and existential sense. It argues that, while this condition tends to be virtually an unobserved default for members of dominant majorities, for members of minorities and other non‑dominant groups it more often appears as a challenging lack that manifests as an existential burden. The aim of the paper is not only to name and clarify this social‑existential condition – which has been touched upon in different ways across literature, philosophy and the social sciences – but also to use this concept to reveal a hitherto largely overlooked dimension of the principle of equal treatment, one that complements but remains distinct from established understandings of equality as equal freedom. Building on this observation, the article explores the legal implications of incorporating the domosity dimension into the theory of non‑discrimination and proposes a doctrinal reform by articulating domosity as a fourth principle of anti‑discrimination, extending legal analysis beyond merely equal access to rights.
Abstract This review critically analyzes Wallelign’s essay on the question of nationality in Ethiopia, emphasizing both its strengths and its shortcomings. The purpose of this review is to assess how his work has influenced Ethiopian political discourse, while identifying gaps in addressing gender, class, and religious dimensions, and thereby proposing a more inclusive, evidence-based approach. His strength lies in his courage in raising the then-taboo issue of nationality; he also employed a structured theoretical framework. Moreover, his legacy endures in contemporary Ethiopian political discourse. However, his work suffers from defects, including the overlooking of gender dimensions, a simplistic and reductionist conception of culture and economy from a neo-Marxist perspective on hegemony, ideological contradictions, an absence of empirical evidence, and the use of flawed analogies with imperialist states from a Leninist perspective, which undermines the credibility of his arguments. Generally, the review underlines the need for an intersectional, evidence-based, and inclusive approach.
