Autor u članku na temelju arhivskoga gradiva pohranjenog u Rektoratu Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, tiska i relevantne literature razmatra djelovanje redovitoga profesora Pravnoga fakulteta dr. Ladislava Polića na Sveučilištu, s posebnim osvrtom na njegova dva rektorska mandata, njegov znanstveni doprinos u poljima prava i politologije, te ujedno rekonstruira njegovu doktorsku promociju sub auspiciis Regis, drugu takvu u povijesti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu.
Hrvatski i jugoslavenski pisac, književni teoretičar i publicist Predrag Matvejević napisao je 1974. pismo Josipu Brozu Titu nezadovoljan time što je ustavno postao doživotni predsjednik Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije. Predložio mu je da odustane od te „počasti” ustvrdivši da institut doživotnoga mandata „ne zvuči dobro”. Sudbina toga pisma do danas je ostala nepoznatom i nerasvijetljenom zahvaljujući ponajprije samom Matvejeviću, koji je javnosti ispričao tri vrlo različite priče o tome, ali i novinarima, piscima i znanstvenicima koji su nekritički prihvaćali, prenosili i nadograđivali njegove priče.
Autor na temelju deklasificiranoga dosjea britanskoga ministarstva rata (War Office) o ispitivanju potpukovnika Ivana Babića u Bariju početkom 1944., građe komunističke provenijencije, memoarskih zapisa i Babićeve korespondencije dopunjava dosadašnje spoznaje o misiji domobranskoga potpukovnika Ivana Babića. Iako je tijekom ispitivanja pred britanskim časnicima Babić odbijao govoriti o političkim ciljevima misije jer je djelovao kao svojevrsni kurir Hrvatske seljačke stranke (HSS) u zemlji i dijela domobranstva prema vrhu HSS-a u emigraciji, iz njegovih se odgovora razaznaju sudionici misije iz domobranstva i samoga HSS-a, ali i ciljevi zavjerenika, koji su namjeravali prebaciti regularnu vojsku Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (domobranstvo), kao i dio ustaških prebjega, na savezničku stranu u borbu protiv sila Osovine, ali uz suradnju s Narodnooslobodilačkim pokretom nasuprot četnicima. Zaključak je autora da je spomenutim planom HSS namjeravao osigurati svoje pozicije na završetku rata da bi Hrvatska imala odvojenu vojnu silu koja bi joj omogućila da se odupre uspostavi komunističke vlasti ili eventualnoj restauraciji jugoslavenskoga unitarizma.
Na temelju višegodišnjega istraživanja hrvatske povijesti u razdoblju kasnoga socijalizma u članku iznosim neka promišljanja o problematici Hrvatske u drugoj Jugoslaviji i (ne)uspješnosti komunističke modernizacije. Težište istraživanja bilo je na povijesti Saveza komunista Hrvatske, njegovoj organizaciji, metodi rada i odnosu s drugim društveno-političkim zajednicama i društveno-političkim organizacijama. U kontekstu čestih tvrdnji, pa i nekih povjesničara, o velikome modernizacijskom zahvatu smatram da su drugu Jugoslaviju komunisti sazdali na prevari, teroru i laži. To su bila tri stvarna temelja komunističke vlasti, koja su na kraju i bila razlog da se njihov modernizacijski projekt okonča u krvavom ratu nakon gotovo pola stoljeća postojanja druge Jugoslavije.
Unatoč tome što se često spominje u hrvatskoj javnosti i medijima, a nerijetko je i predmetom političkih razmirica, tema hrvatskih branitelja iz Domovinskoga rata u poslijeratnoj Hrvatskoj dosad je bila poprilično zapostavljena i znanstveno slabo istražena kao tema historiografskih istraživanja, za razliku od stanja istraženosti veterana kao relevantne društvene skupine u prošlosti i sadašnjosti u nekim inozemnim historiografijama. Ovaj rad u prvom dijelu obrazlaže nužnost znanstvenoga bavljenja braniteljima kao temom društvene povijesti i tematizira način bavljenja veteranima u recentnim domaćim i stranim radovima. U drugom se dijelu, utemeljeno u primarnim izvorima, daje pregled kako je pitanje državne skrbi za branitelje riješeno u Republici Hrvatskoj od samoga početka Domovinskoga rata do posljednjega zakona o pravima branitelja donesenog 2017., s naglaskom na promjene prilikom smjena vlasti 2000., 2004., 2011. i 2016.
Janez/Ivan Ma & ccaron;ek was born in 1845. in the village of Lesi & ccaron;no in Slovenian Styria. He built his career as a successful civil engineer who worked on many projects in Croatia. He passed away in 1933. in Zagreb. More than for his architectural achievements, he entered history as the father of Vladko Ma & ccaron;ek, the president of the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) and the political leader of Croats from Radi & cacute;'s death until World War II. Like Radi & cacute;, a political cult of personality developed around Ma & ccaron;ek among his supporters, placing him as the undisputed Croatian leader. However, as he was also the leader of the United Opposition from 1935, he became a recognizable symbol of opposition to the regime of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In the second half of the 1930s, when the HSS's position had greatly strengthened, the celebration of Vladko Ma & ccaron;ek took on ever-larger proportions and extended beyond the borders of the Croatian provinces. Slovenian lawyer Rudolf Dobovi & scaron;ek, elected to the assembly on Ma & ccaron;ek's list in the 1935 elections, collaborated with Zagreb Slovenes and supporters of the HSS to organize the unveiling of a memorial plaque to Janez/Ivan Ma & ccaron;ek on his birthplace that same year. The bronze memorial plaque was created by the renowned Croatian sculptor Ivo Kerdi & cacute;. The plaque was officially unveiled on November 3, 1935. Although the organizers wanted to portray the event as a tribute to the late engineer, and indirectly as a demonstration in honour of Vladko Ma & ccaron;ek as the leader of the peasants, it could not be hidden that the unveiling of the plaque was also a demonstration of support for the HSS and the United Opposition. Since there had been an indirect rapprochement between Ma & ccaron;ek and the Slovenian communists shortly before the events, who had begun to form a policy of creating a popular front and approaching the peasantry, the event also had the character of one of the first manifestations of the popular front in Slovenia. Slovenian newspapers reported on the event sparsely and distantly because, despite the organizers' assurances to the contrary, they perceived the unveiling of the plaque as an explicitly political and propaganda project intended to expand Ma & ccaron;ek's influence in Slovenian lands. Also, on this and many other occasions, they wrote critically and cynically about the incongruity that the Croatian political leader is the son of a Slovene. The controversial plaque stood for less than six years, and in 1941, the homeowners hid it, so it survived to this day.
A high-ranking official in the Independent State of Croatia (1941-1945), executed during Tito's purges in Yugoslavia, Mile Budak (1889-1945) remains a figure who provokes controversy, polemics, and passionate debate over his role in the Second World War. Yet his life, marked by hardship and turbulence, cannot be reduced solely to the years he spent serving the dictatorship of Ante Paveli & cacute;. He was also an important writer and a prominent figure in the Croatian national movement in Austria-Hungary and later in Yugoslavia. At various moments, he appears as a witness, a victim, and a participant in the dramas that unfolded at the crossroads of the Danubian and Balkan regions during the first decades of the twentieth century. His literary work, political engagement, and missteps all bear the imprint of the vicissitudes he experienced. This article examines his trajectory between the eve and the early months of the Great War, from 1912 to 1915, when his fate became inextricably bound to the Habsburg Army - for better and, above all, for worse. Mobilized in 1914 and sent to the Serbian front, he was wounded and taken prisoner, before being swept away in the disastrous retreat of enemy forces during the Central Powers' offensive in the autumn of 1915. The analysis draws in part on his family correspondence from these turbulent and tumultuous years, preserved at the Croatian Pontifical College of St. Jerome in Rome.
After the abandonment and disbandment of Peasant Work Cooperatives and the rejection of the Soviet-style collectivization of peasant holdings, the implementation of the cooperation system began in Yugoslav agriculture in 1954. This term refers to the joint and planned activity of a larger number of people within the same process. The effective application of this work concept was intended to encompass the entire peasantry and its production activity. The operationalization of these business mechanisms would further allow for the creation of a basis for more direct collaboration between individual farms, agricultural cooperatives, professional services, the trade network, and the processing industry. Their relationship was founded on the principles of commodity-money exchange. The effective integration of these cooperation participants was intended to result in more successful production, greater export of agricultural products to foreign markets, and more rational utiliza-tion of the workforce. The intensive implementation of this policy began at the turn of the 1950s into the 1960s, a period characterized by the rapid shift of the working-age population from agricultural to non-agricultural activities, primarily to satis-fy the peasants' needs for additional financial gain. This process also reflected the state bodies' efforts for a more efficient realization of the industrialization policy. ! L Based on unpublished archival material and relevant historiographical literature, this article analyzes the impact of introducing the cooperation system on the state of the agricultural sector in Yugoslavia in the first half of the 1960s, with a special emphasis on its two sub-branches: crop farming and Livestock breeding.
The topic of this paper is Ladislav Polic, his time of office as university rector and the doctoral promotion sub auspiicis Regis on October 28, 1899. The article is written on the basis of archival material stored in the Rectorate of the University of Zagreb, press analysis and a review of the relevant works. Professor Ladislav Polic is a significant name in the history of the University of Zagreb. In 1908, he became an associate professor, and in 1910, he became a full professor of constitutional and international law at the Faculty of Law. He held the position of dean of the Faculty of Law in the academic year 1910/1911. Some of his works represent an important contribution to the development of political science in Croatia. He was twice elected rector magnificus of the University of Zagreb, in the academic year 1919/1920 and in 1924/1925, after which he retired for political reasons, supporting the republican ideas of Stjepan Radic. He had become actively involved in political life in October 1918. He was a representative in the Temporary National Representation from 1919 to 1920. In the parliamentary elections of 1925, he was elected as a representative in the National Assembly as a member of the Croatian Union. As a Croat, he supported the creation of a Yugoslav state, in which he wanted equality and equity for Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, and advocated for a federalist structure.
Professional education in Natural Sciences and mathematics in Croatia at the beginning of the 20th Century was provided at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Zagreb. The structure of the teaching staff of the Department of Mathematics and Natural Sciences of the Faculty in the period 1901-1914 is well known, but the question of whether this structure met the university standards of the time has not been considered so far. The only way to an unambiguous answer to this question is through comparative analysis in an appropriate context. The aim of this paper is to satisfy the prerequisite for such an analysis: to explicate the general status of the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb in such a context, thus forming a background against which it will be possible to view the results of the comparative analysis as parts of a meaningful whole. The narrowest appropriate context is the universities in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and in this paper the position of the Faculty among them is considered with regard to the number of full-time students, the total number of professors and private docents, and the number of Natural Sciences and mathematics professors and private docents. The results of these considerations are as follows: at the beginning of the 20th Century, the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb was the second smallest faculty of philosophy in the Monarchy by the number of full-time students, by the number of all professors, and by the number of Natural Sciences and mathematics professors, and the third smallest faculty by the number of all private docents and by the number of Natural Sciences and mathematics private docents; during the period under consideration, the Faculty experienced a certain rise by almost all of these parameters, but this rise was followed by a decline to the same or lower positions, so that at the beginning of 1914 it was the smallest faculty of philosophy in the Monarchy by the number of full-time students and by the number of Natural Sciences and mathematics professors, one of the two smallest faculties of philosophy by the number of all professors, and the third smallest faculty of philosophy by the number of all private docents and by the number of Natural Sciences and mathematics private docents.
Croatian and Yugoslav writer, literary theorist and publicist Predrag Matvejevic wrote a letter to the president of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito, in 1974, dissatisfied with the fact that he had constitutionally become president of the state for life. Matvejevic suggested that he give up the ,,honour" because the institution of the life tenure ,,did not sound good". The fate of the letter has remained unknown and unsolved to this day, thanks primarily to Matvejevic himself, who told the public three very different versions of the story, but also to journalists and intellectuals who uncritically accepted, transmitted and expanded upon his stories.
In this article, we examined the digital tool Google Ngram Viewer (GINV) through multiple analytical lenses - including geopolitics, cultural influences, wars, migration, and cultural production. By focusing on the relationship be-tween Austria and Southeast Europe, with particular attention to Croatia, we demonstrated that GNV not only reveals quantitative shifts in discourse but also offers deeper insights into the dynamics of public interest across several centuries. At the same time, the paper functions as a practical guide for work-ing with the method and illustrates its pedagogical applicability in history education. Our analysis shows that GNV, when applied to the German-language cor-pus at the center of this research, reliably reflects patterns of public attention and mirrors authentic political or cultural events. We illustrated how the tool can uncover patterns and trends in the references to prominent historical figures, concepts, and phenomena insights that often exceed the reach of traditional research methodologies. Most examples in the study have been designed as applied exercises, making GNV a relevant educational tool for teaching history (though not exclusively so). Beyond political history, GNV also enables engaging exploration in fields such as literature, the arts, linguis-tics, and economics. However, it is essential to acknowledge the methodological constraints of this digital instrument. While numerous studies have confirmed its general reliability, critical voices in the literature have highlighted limitations relat-ed to corpus selection, the quality of OCR processing, and the interpretative scope of statistical outputs. As large-scale text analysis remains an emerging area, the standardization of procedures, reassessment of underlying assump-tions, and further development of methodology all call for broader participa-tion from the academic community.
Despite being frequently mentioned in the Croatian public and media, and often being the subject of political disputes, the topic of Croatian veterans from the Homeland War in post-war Croatia has so far been quite neglected and poorly academically researched, when compared to the state of research on veterans as a relevant social group in the past and present in some foreign historiographies. In its first part, this paper explains the necessity for the scientific study veterans as a topic of social history, and takes up the topic of the way veterans are discussed in recent domestic and foreign works. The second part, based on primary sources, provides an overview of how the issue of state care for veterans was resolved in the Republic of Croatia in the period from the very beginning of the Homeland War to the latest law on veterans' rights passed in 2017, with an emphasis on modifications made during the changes of government in 2000, 2004, 2011 and 2016.
In this paper I offer some reflections on this matter based on research into Croatian history during the period of late socialism. My research was focused on the history of the League of Communists of Croatia, its organization, methods of work and its relationship with other socio-political communities and socio-political organizations. In the context of claims with regard to the grand modernisation process, I believe that the second Yugoslavia was established on deceit, terror and lies; these were the three actual foundations of party government. The communists took over and maintained power through deceit, even though it is sometimes hard to draw the line between lies and deceit. Terror was the means of maintaining that power. Lies were the mythical image they built about themselves.
This article reconstructs and analyzes the previously unexamined Zagreb football championship, played during January and February 1946, based on newspaper reports, preserved photographs, and data scattered throughout the literature. It was the last city championship featuring the strongest clubs of the Zagreb Football Association. Eight Physical Culture Societies (FD) competed for the title of Zagreb champion-"Amater", "Dinamo", "Element", "Jedinstvo", "Lokomotiva", "Metalac", "Po & scaron;tar" and "Tekstilac" - all of which qualified by playing preliminary matches at the end of 1945. After seven rounds, the players of FD Dinamo won the city champion title and direct qualification for the upcoming Croatian Championship. Since the final ranking in the Zagreb championship also determined the possibility of further national-level competition, the teams of "Amater", "Lokomotiva" and "Metalac" qualified for the republican championship play-offs. The top scorer of the championship was Slavko Beda from Dinamo. Several teams featured future stars of Croatian football, such as Branko Zebec (FD "Po & scaron;tar") and Bernard Vukas (FD "Amater").
U članku se analizira otkrivanje spomen-ploče građevinskom inženjeru Janezu/Ivanu Mačeku, ocu Vladka Mačeka, u njegovu rodnom selu Lesičnom u slovenskoj Štajerskoj 3. studenoga 1935. Ploča, umjetnički rad kipara Ive Kerdića, nije bila samo komemorativni izraz sjećanja na pokojnika nego i političko-propagandni projekt kojim se željela ojačati uloga Hrvatske seljačke stranke i vođe svedržavne Ujedinjene opozicije, Vladka Mačeka, među slovenskim pristašama. Svečanost otkrivanja ploče postala je politička manifestacija okupljanja narodne fronte. Slovenske novine uglavnom su bile skeptične i distancirane od događaja, a često su se i rugale slovenskom podrijetlu vođe Hrvata. Ploča je preživjela Drugi svjetski rat i sačuvana je do danas.
Nakon odustajanja od stvaranja seljačkih radnih zadruga i njihovih raspuštanja te kolektivizacije seljačkih posjeda po uzoru na sovjetski model 1954. u jugoslavenskoj je poljoprivredi započela implementacija sustava kooperacije. Taj termin označava zajedničku i plansku djelatnost većega broja ljudi u istom procesu. Učinkovitom primjenom toga koncepta rada trebalo je biti obuhvaćeno cjelokupno seljaštvo i njegova proizvodna aktivnost. Operacionalizacija tih poslovnih mehanizama nadalje bi omogućavala stvaranje temelja neposrednijoj suradnji individualnih gazdinstava, poljoprivrednih zadruga, stručnih službi te trgovačke mreže i prerađivačke industrije. Njihov se odnos temeljio na načelima robno-novčane razmjene. Djelotvorna integracija spomenutih sudionika kooperacije trebala je rezultirati uspješnijom proizvodnjom, većim izvozom poljoprivrednih proizvoda na inozemna tržišta i racionalnijim iskorištavanjem radne snage. Intenzivna provedba te politike započela je na prijelazu iz 50-ih u 60-e godine, u razdoblju karakterističnom po ubrzanom prelasku radno sposobnoga stanovništva iz poljoprivredne u nepoljoprivredne djelatnosti, ponajprije radi zadovoljavanja seljakovih potreba za dodatnom financijskom dobiti. Taj je proces odražavao i težnju državnih tijela za učinkovitijom realizacijom politike industrijalizacije. U ovom se članku na temelju neobjavljenoga arhivskog materijala i relevantne historiografske literature analizira utjecaj uvođenja kooperacijskoga sustava na stanje poljoprivrednoga sektora u Jugoslaviji u prvoj polovini 60-ih, s posebnim naglaskom na njegove dvije podgrane – ratarstvo i stočarstvo.
U članku se na temelju novinskih izvještaja, sačuvanih fotografija i podataka razasutih po literaturi – u kontekstu novonastalih prilika uvjetovanih promjenom društveno-političkoga uređenja po svršetku Drugoga svjetskog rata – rekonstruira i analizira dosad neobrađeno prvenstvo Zagreba u nogometu odigrano tijekom siječnja i veljače 1946. kao posljednje gradsko prvenstvo na kojemu su nastupili najjači klubovi Zagrebačkoga nogometnog saveza. Za naslov prvaka Zagreba borilo se osam fiskulturnih društava koja su pravo nastupa izborila igrajući kvalifikacijske utakmice potkraj 1945. Poslije odigranih sedam kola naslov gradskoga prvaka i izravni plasman na prvenstvo Hrvatske osvojili su igrači Fizkulturnoga društva (FD) Dinamo, a s obzirom na to da je poredak u prvenstvu Zagreba odlučivao o mogućnosti daljnjega natjecanja na državnoj razini, kvalifikacije za republičko prvenstvo izborile su momčadi Lokomotive, Metalca i Amatera. Najbolji strijelac prvenstva bio je dinamovac Slavko Beda, a u nekima od momčadi zabilježeni su nastupi budućih vedeta hrvatskoga nogometa poput Branka Zebeca (FD Poštar) ili Bernarda Vukasa (FD Amater).
U članku se prikazuje jedan od ključnih odsječaka života i djelovanja književnika i političara Mile Budaka, od 1912. do 1915., posebice njegova tadašnja ratna iskustva, s naglaskom na austrougarsko zarobljeništvo u Srbiji uoči sloma srpske vojske, i „albansku golgotu”. Rad se temelji na objavljenim i neobjavljenim izvorima te odgovarajućoj literaturi, a prije svega na obilnoj korespondenciji Mile Budaka sa suprugom Ivkom, pohranjenoj u Papinskom hrvatskom zavodu svetoga Jeronima u Rimu. Dopisivanje supružnika pokazalo se riznicom podataka koji nedvojbeno rasvjetljuju određene nepoznanice iz razdoblja sazrijevanja – u svakom pogledu – kontroverznoga pisca i budućega ustaškog doglavnika.
Struktura prirodoslovno-matematičkoga nastavnog osoblja Mudroslovnoga fakulteta u Zagrebu početkom XX. stoljeća dobro je poznata, ali prikazima te strukture nedostaje komparativna analiza koja bi pokazala je li ona zadovoljavala onodobne sveučilišne standarde. U ovom je radu izložen općeniti status Mudroslovnoga fakulteta među filozofskim fakultetima u Austro-Ugarskoj Monarhiji 1901. – 1914., što je preduvjet za takvu analizu. Položaj Fakulteta razmotren je s obzirom na broj redovitih studenata, ukupan broj profesora i privatnih docenata te broj profesora i privatnih docenata prirodoslovlja i matematike, a rezultati pokazuju da je tijekom razmatranoga razdoblja Fakultet doživio i uspone i padove, ali je njegov status na kraju razdoblja bio lošiji nego na početku.
