This study critically analyzed the perceived effects of the Indigenous People of Biafra's (IPOB) sit-at-home protest on major agribusiness actors in perishable crops, as well as their coping strategies, in Southeastern Nigeria. The study adopted an equal sampling frame of 950 respondents from each of the farmers' and marketers' categories to ensure balanced representation and facilitate valid comparisons across the two major value chains. Using a structured questionnaire, data were collected from 1900 randomly selected respondents. The research specifically described the socioeconomic characteristics of producers and marketers of perishable crops, examined the effect of Monday's sit-at-home protest on respondents, and explored the adaptation practices employed during the crisis. The study used both descriptive and inferential statistics to analyze the data. Most farmers reported substantial (37.9%) and modest (33.7%) post-harvest losses. Most farmers (58.9%) reported a significant reduction in the price of perishable crops. Most (82%) marketers reported significant post-harvest losses, and 51.6% reported a substantial price decrease. Also, 73.7% of marketers reported substantial profit losses, while 26.3% reported modest losses. To mitigate these perceived effects, farmers (80%) primarily adopted harvesting of "near ripe" crops ahead of the sit-at-home. Additionally, 52.5% of respondents used improved storage methods to extend the shelf life of their crops. The farmers (44.2%) also adopted low prices to help evacuate perishable crops during the sit-at-home. The study concludes that the sit-at-home protests have significantly disrupted agribusiness operations, resulting in economic losses for producers and marketers of perishable crops. It recommends strengthening judicial and conflict-resolution mechanisms to address the underlying causes of civil unrest, as well as investing in rural silos and cold-chain infrastructure to enhance farmers' storage capacity and resilience to similar disruptions.
Pressure is mounting for international arbitration to align with global sustainability expectations, yet scattered initiatives-virtual hearings, e-bundles, diversity pledges-offer no coherent metric of success. This article proposes the Arbitration Sustainability Index (ASI), a voluntary soft-law instrument that converts the UN Sustainable Development Goals and ESG benchmarks into a tri-partite scorecard of arbitration's environmental, economic, and procedural/social performance. Through doctrinal analysis of leading rules, treaties, and case law, nine quantifiable indicators are distilled and embedded in a weighted 35-30-35 scoring model. A branching-logic scenario and proof-of-concept simulation illustrate the ASI's capacity both to diagnose carbon-light, cost-proportionate, and inclusive procedures and to spur reform via reputational competition rather than legal compulsion. By standardizing data collection and enabling cross-institutional comparison, the ASI equips scholars with a testable construct, practitioners with an audit tool, and policymakers with an evidence base for soft-law or legislative nudges. Future empirical studies will refine weightings and track behavioral uptake, advancing the ASI toward a widely recognized sustainability benchmark for arbitration.
In family mediation, emotional discomfort and perceived unsafety may signal deeper relational risks, including postseparation violence. Standard intake procedures in Norwegian family mediation depend on disclosure to a nonclinical administrator before any therapeutic relationship exists, and research documents systematic under-reporting at this stage. This study evaluates a brief, individually administered check-in protocol developed through the risk-informed mediation (RIM) project, a practice-oriented research collaboration between mediators and researchers in which mediators ask two experiential questions at the start of the first session. Using an embedded mixed methods design, we combined statistical analysis of 322 cases from seven Norwegian family counseling offices with qualitative findings from a mediator focus group at one embedded site. Each office contributed data from both a mediation-as-usual (MAU) period and a RIM period, allowing comparison of risk categorization across the two conditions. Chi-square tests revealed statistically significant shifts at four of seven offices. Within the RIM period, 9.5% of cases were re-categorized upward and 23.2% downward following the check-in. Dyadic asymmetry, defined as divergent responses between parents, predicted upward re-categorization with an odds ratio of 3.88, rising to 7.21 in low-risk dyads. Mediators described the check-in as a relational opening that revealed concerns parents had not raised before; unchanged assessments were not inert but confirmed a safe starting point. The mixed methods findings converge on a single conclusion: the protocol functions not as a classification instrument but as a relational opening that can reach risk intake procedures miss. Effects vary across offices, and the findings surface three structural dilemmas-how broad the inquiry should reach, how a mediator who has learned that one parent fears violence can act on that knowledge within a role that offers no formal protective mechanism beyond reporting duties, and how much interpretive competence the protocol requires of those who use it.
The Kabara Council among the Marghi ethnic group in Madagali Local Government Area (LGA) of Adamawa State is a longstanding traditional conflict resolution and peacebuilding mechanism spanning over 500 years of use. It went moribund but was reinvigorated to address rising social conflicts in post-insurgency Adamawa State. Using Zartman's thesis on the relevance of traditional conflict resolution mechanisms to modern conflicts in the contemporary African State, this research examines the activities, structure, composition, and administration of the reinvigorated Kabara Council, as well as the council's effectiveness in resolving social conflicts among the people. Through this case study of the Kabara Council, the research contributes to the debate about what constitutes "the local" in local peacebuilding mechanisms and why they are effective in managing contemporary localized modern conflict. In a bid to make the council more effective, the study recommends expanding the Kabara Council in Madagali and adopting the council as the grassroots conflict management mechanism for the novel Adamawa State Peace, Conflict Resolution and Social Integration Commission, rather than creating a new one in Madagali LGA.
This article traces how European mediation has repeatedly rebalanced three variables-(1) the source of mediator authority, (2) the degree of institutionalization, and (3) the operative meaning of voluntariness-from antiquity to the present. Using three periods-Proto-Mediation (c. 500 BCE-c. 1750), Classical Mediation (c. 1750-1976), and ADR-Era Mediation (1976-present)-it shows how authority migrated from communal standing to professional or court-adjacent credential; how informal practice became standardized procedure; and how voluntariness shifted from social expectation to legally managed participation (sometimes via "mandatory" gateways). The analysis explains contemporary court-connected designs as the latest turn in a long European cycle and offers a historically grounded synthesis centred on the authority-institutionalization-voluntariness triad. How have authority, institutionalization, and voluntariness been historically reconfigured in European mediation, and what do these recurrent configurations imply for the design and legitimacy of contemporary court-connected mediation?
This article argues that China's 2026 Business Mediation Ordinance represents neither progress toward rule of law nor retreat from it. I propose instead that we are witnessing something I call "calibrated autonomy"-the strategic construction of spaces for private ordering that remain tethered to Party-State oversight through multiple institutional linkages. The dominant scholarly frameworks miss this. Matthew Erie sees new legal hubs; Carl Minzner sees a turn against law; Bj & ouml;rn Ahl sees judicial institutional strategies. Each captures something real. But none grasps the distinctive logic at work: the Party-State deliberately creates bounded zones of legal autonomy precisely because such zones serve its interests, while structuring those zones to ensure continued control. This is not rule of law. It is not its absence. It is a third thing-one that challenges us to rethink how we understand legal development under authoritarian conditions. The analysis extends conflict resolution theory by demonstrating that the characteristics Western scholarship treats as universal features of mediation-party autonomy, mediator neutrality, voluntariness-are contingent features of particular institutional arrangements, and it raises practical questions about enforcement of mediated settlements under the Singapore Convention when mediation systems embed state oversight.
Intergroup hostilities and the interaction of local and global crises emphasize the importance of attenuating their destructive effects. Third-party dialogues can facilitate peace, and prior research has made progress towards a contextual understanding of such dialogues. However, the success of dialogues also depends on process factors. Here, we explore psychological process aspects of conflict dialogue within differing contexts, particularly during the onset of severe escalation. Our study reveals language markers that differentiate especially effective dialogues, foregrounding productive discourse elements. The research examines linguistic patterns of Track Two dialogue (Interactive Problem Solving) in the protracted Israeli-Palestinian conflict over several decades (1982-2011). We rely on well-established dictionaries (Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count, LIWC 2022) to compare the language used in dialogues during the onset of severe escalation versus more conciliatory conflict phases. Particularly effective dialogue is characterized by stronger social affiliation, more "we" versus "I" language, as well as language reflecting achievement and discrepancy. Our findings indicate psychological progression associated with interactive complex thinking during conflict dialogue, suggesting that dialogues can remain impactful in the short term, positively influencing participants' emotions, attitudes, and creative problem-solving despite the onset of severe escalation.
Alternative dispute resolution (ADR), specifically mediation, is one of the major tools that are now used to address the rising number of consumer market disputes in the physical and online marketplaces. With increasing numbers of individuals referring to the government agencies, private mediation centers, and online dispute resolution (ODR) platforms, the question remains: which of them is more productive, just, and efficient as an institution? This study examined the effectiveness of consumer mediation across government mediation forums, private mediation centers, and e-commerce-based ODR platforms. The research design was a mixed-method one. The 500 consumer mediation cases were analyzed quantitatively to ascertain the degree of resolution, time to settlement and compliance on the postsettlement aspect in the institutional forums. This was complemented by the qualitative data that were acquired on 75 semistructured interviews with consumers and mediators, and enabled the gain of a better understanding of procedural fairness, power relations and experience by users. Qualitative data were analyzed through thematic analysis. The findings demonstrated significant variation in mediation outcomes across institutional settings. Private mediation centers and ODR platforms exhibited higher resolution efficiency and compliance rates, while government mediation forums showed comparatively lower performance, particularly in cases involving pronounced power asymmetry. Qualitative findings further revealed that perceptions of procedural fairness, mediator intervention, and institutional follow-up mechanisms played a critical role in shaping trust and satisfaction with mediation outcomes. The paper concludes that the issue of institutional design has decisive power in the effectiveness and sustainability of consumer mediation. Procedural transparency, capacity of the mediator, and enforcement may be very beneficial in enhancing access to justice and consumer confidence in dispute resolution mechanisms, particularly in government forums.
Ethnic conflicts have emerged as a central concern in contemporary global politics and represent a major challenge to international peace. As part of the conflict-prone African continent, Ethiopia continues to face this pressing issue. The ethnic conflict in Ataye Town and its surrounding areas, though previously unstudied through rigorous academic inquiry, constitutes a significant case. Since identifying the actors in a conflict and their underlying interests is essential for resolution, this study aims to identify the major actors involved in the April 2021 inter-ethnic conflict in Ataye Town and the surrounding areas of the Oromo Special Zone in the Amhara Region. It also examines how and why these actors became involved. To achieve these objectives, the study adopted a qualitative approach, drawing on primary and secondary data analyzed thematically. Following a thorough analysis, the study finds that the April 2021 inter-ethnic conflict involved several actors, including the TPLF, OLA/Shene, the Amhara Special Force, arms and human traffickers, local and zonal administrators, and regional governments. This study demonstrates that while primordial and constructivist factors provide context, the conflict is most convincingly explained through an instrumentalist lens, wherein ethnicity is manipulated for political and economic gain. To prevent future conflicts, the study recommends addressing the root causes and engaging in genuine reconciliation regarding past conflict incidents.
This article explores the ecosystem of bridge-building initiatives in the United States. Drawing on an original database of 223 organizations, interviews with 7 staff across 6 organizations, and a literature review related to bridge-building, polarization, and collective action, we first describe the range of existing initiatives and their areas of focus. We then explore the work of these organizations in terms of their contributions to scaling the bridge-building field as well as the focus of many on community-level issues and collaboration, which enables a shift from talk to action and contributions to social change. Our findings provide empirical support for the concept of "massively parallel peacebuilding" (Burgess and Burgess; Burgess et al.); they also illustrate alignment between bridge-building and systemic change.
Reconciliation studies (RS) has become increasingly influential in understanding alternative views to ending conflict and dealing with the aftermath. As a discipline or field, however, it is not well defined. The actual usefulness of reconciliation (as a concept), or of RS (as a discipline), is debated, and due to its growing usage, it is critical to understand what is meant by it so that we can better evaluate its utility. In this article, I seek to show what RS actually is by reviewing existing literature and illustrating the definitional and conceptual gaps that complicate arriving at a shared understanding while outlining its main features. First, I look at definitions of the concept of reconciliation in the academic world, followed by the applied world. Then I look at RS as an academic discipline, starting with academic departments that offer degrees in Reconciliation (Studies). I then show that there are commonalities in definitions of RS and argue that it has distinct features, which is why it should be considered a separate discipline from others with which it is often associated (e.g., Conflict Resolution, Theology). I conclude with critiques of the concept of reconciliation and reconciliation studies, as well as further questions and suggestions. My approach is thus inductive, viewing academic research that uses reconciliation and/or is working within reconciliation studies and academic programs as empirical data to build a definition of reconciliation studies.
Community mediation was conceived as a community-based alternative to courts, yet dominant models were elaborated in relatively homogeneous settings. High-density, multiracial and multireligious cities generate recurring disputes in shared spaces, but also amplify identity meanings, structural inequalities, and legitimacy concerns linked to dense institutional fields. These plural city conditions shape who enters mediation, how parties participate, and whether outcomes endure. This article advances a contextual theory that starts from these urban conditions and specifies four interdependent dimensions that structure community mediation trajectories: identity configuration, power asymmetries, institutional trust, and grassroots ownership. A process model explains how these dimensions operate across entry, preparation, facilitated interaction, and implementation, and how they form recognizable configurations that widen or narrow the range of plausible outcomes. The theory is grounded through a practice-based qualitative analysis of anonymized program documents and reflective case materials, reported through four composite vignettes. The article offers testable propositions for evaluation and a parallel community-learning loop that supports collective sensemaking beyond individual cases.
This article explores the trend in digital financial inclusion during war. It also explores the importance and challenges of digital financial inclusion during war. War and armed conflict adversely affect people. Their struggle to survive the war becomes even more difficult when they are unable to visit a bank branch to access formal financial services during war due to lockdowns and curfews that lead to the closure of physical financial access points. This study gathers insights from war data and shows that the use of digital financial services increased during war. The study also suggests some strategies for increasing the level of digital financial inclusion during war. The insights offered in this study can assist policymakers and financial service providers in ensuring that people in conflict zones have access to digital financial services to meet their subsistence and survival needs during war.
The construction industry is often fraught with disputes that lead to costly and time-consuming litigation or arbitration, which further causes exorbitant delays and hampers justice. This necessitates the need for quick and robust dispute settlement. Thus, adjudication as a conflict resolution mechanism has gained prominence in the construction sector for its ability to provide fast and interim binding decisions. However, many countries, such as India and those in the Middle East, still lack a statutory adjudication framework to address the hurdles to achieving swift and enforceable resolutions, resulting in an indefinite, aggravated issue. Therefore, it is required to adopt a process that manages and resolves conflicts with the least escalation risks. Against this backdrop, the paper critically examines whether the UNCITRAL SPEDR Adjudication Clause can effectively resolve the persisting challenges in the non-statutory adjudication systems. The UNCITRAL SPEDR Clauses 2024 were developed and adopted by the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law at its 57th session in New York to enhance efficiency, customize solutions and emerge as a tool to address the prevalent loopholes in construction dispute resolution. Grounded in Transaction Cost Theory and Procedural Justice Theory, the study assesses the potential of the SPEDR Adjudication Clause to reduce dispute settlement costs and enhance procedural fairness, thereby strengthening enforceability among the parties. The paper further analyses the applicability, legal recognition and practical benefits of the UNCITRAL recommended SPEDR Adjudication Clause in construction contracts of both domestic and international contexts within India and the Middle East. The effectiveness of the clause is also examined with empirical data drawn from construction professionals in India and the Middle East through a cross-sectional survey with comparative reference to other adjudication mechanisms. 95% of the survey respondents supported the SPEDR Clause adoption, citing enforceability and procedural efficacy as primary advantages. The comparative study with other existing adjudication mechanisms reflected that the SPEDR Adjudication Clause, combining sector-specific adjudication with compliance arbitration, can address the existing limitations by providing quick and expert-driven enforceable arbitral awards. Subsequently, the study suggests considering the integration of the SPEDR Adjudication Clause in construction contract standards and arbitral institutions' processes to optimize the dispute resolution process, thereby redressing the amplification of conflict and strengthening the compliance dynamics in the construction domain.
Conflicts among cohabiting partners are often more complex or intractable because their relationships are not formalized culturally or institutionally. The inability to resolve conflicts among cohabiting partners may threaten their safety and well-being. To maintain healthier relationships, it is imperative for cohabiting partners to adopt appropriate conflict management strategies. Thus, this study examines the extent of adoption and the effects of socio-demographic factors on the use of conflict management strategies among cohabiting partners in selected higher institutions in Ilorin, Nigeria. The population for this study comprised undergraduate students of the University of Ilorin and Kwara State Polytechnic who were in cohabiting relationships for at least one academic session. A total of 161 undergraduate students who had cohabited for at least one academic session agreed to participate in the study. A questionnaire was used to collect the data. Logistic regression was employed to determine the probability of adopting conflict management strategies by different groups of respondents. The analysis revealed that female respondents had a higher probability of adopting avoidance conflict management strategies in cohabiting relationships compared to males (AOR = 0.64; 95% CI: [0.44-0.89]; p-value = 0.003). Furthermore, older respondents were more likely to adopt compromise conflict management strategies in cohabiting relationships compared to younger respondents (AOR = 0.62; 95% CI: [0.51-0.97]; p-value = 0.001) and (AOR = 0.78; 95% CI: [0.56-0.91]; p-value = 0.001). Female undergraduates were more likely than male undergraduates to adopt avoidance conflict management strategies in cohabiting relationships. Based on findings that males are less likely to adopt avoidance (AOR = 0.64; p = 0.003), the study suggests regular enlightenment programs for male undergraduates on balanced conflict management strategies to reduce escalation and promote equity in cohabiting relationships. This study fills a critical gap in the literature because it is among the first to quantitatively examine socio-demographic influences on specific conflict management strategies (collaboration, avoidance and compromise) among cohabiting undergraduates in Nigeria. This is novel and imperative because Nigeria is a context where cohabitation remains culturally stigmatized. But, cohabitation is increasingly prevalent. This often exacerbates conflict due to lack of formal institutional support.
This article reports the findings of a survey of 228 Italian mediators on parties' preparation for mediation in civil and commercial disputes. The study found that a significant portion of mediation occurs among parties, mandatorily assisted by a lawyer, who lack preparation on key elements of mediation, including considering their interests and assessing the strengths and weaknesses of their case. Interestingly, managing emotions and repairing relationships are among the most overlooked aspects of mediation preparation. Parties' preparation varies depending on the type of dispute, and this study provides quantitative data showing that settlement rates increase when all parties are prepared and actively participate in mediation. This study critically discusses the abovementioned data, and it examines policy options to address party underpreparation, and it emphasizes the limitations of the legalistic approach, intended here as a top-down, rule-based policymaking strategy. It advocates for a decentralized approach to mediation policymaking and the adoption of local best practices developed through well-structured stakeholder engagement processes. Members of local legal communities, such as judges, lawyers, mediators, and not an unsophisticated central legislator, should drive the development of local best practices that meet the needs of local legal communities and enhance parties' participation and outcomes in mediation.
Media representations play a critical role in shaping public understanding, especially in contexts where access to direct information is limited, such as the Anglophone conflict in Cameroon. This study explores how five Cameroonian newspapers, The Post, The Star, Le Messager, The Sun, and Cameroon Tribune, reported on the root causes, manifestations, and resolution strategies of the conflict in the North West and South West Regions between October 2016 and December 2020. A total of 501 editions were purposively sampled from a broader corpus of 2894 publications. Guided by agenda-setting theory, the study employed a sequential qualitative design, combining quantitative content analysis with qualitative thematic interpretation. Statistical tests, including chi-square analysis, were used to assess significant differences in newspaper reporting across key variables. The findings reveal clear contrasts between state-owned (Cameroon Tribune) and privately owned newspapers in how they frame the conflict's causes, manifestations, and possible solutions. Private outlets placed greater emphasis on root causes such as marginalization, historical injustice, and identity suppression, while state media prioritized unity and security narratives. Nonetheless, all newspapers consistently highlighted dialogue as the most viable pathway to resolving the conflict. The study also finds that newspapers based in the conflict-affected Anglophone regions, and those publishing in English, dedicated more extensive and nuanced coverage to the crisis. These insights underscore the importance of media reporting as a mirror of public sentiment and as a tool for understanding citizen-preferred conflict resolution strategies.
This article examines the role of restorative justice coordinators in supporting teachers and schools in adopting a whole-school approach to restorative justice in education. Coordinators are often tasked with implementing a train-and-hope model, in which they receive initial training in restorative justice but are largely left unsupported thereafter. School administrations tend to assume that preliminary training alone enables educators to integrate restorative approaches effectively. Drawing on the experiences of three restorative justice coordinators working across 12 schools within a publicly funded religious school board, the authors analyze the limitations of this model. They highlight how a lack of focus on relationality and contextualism in this initiative impeded the coordinators and educators from implementing restorative justice in education successfully. Such misimplementation risks overlooking the transformative potential of restorative justice in education and, in some cases, reinforces punitive and oppressive school structures. Further research is needed to equip school boards and educators with the tools necessary for implementing meaningful and sustained restorative justice in education.
Sustainable development goals (SDGs) are part of the 2030 agenda for sustainable development that aims to promote sustainable management of natural resources and protect the natural ecosystem of the earth. However, rising incidents of Human–Wildlife Conflict (HWC) globally pose a significant challenge as stated in a joint report by WWF (Worldwide Fund for Nature) and UNEP (UN Environment Program) that HWC is as much a development and humanitarian issue as it is a conservation concern and needs more attention to achieve SDG. In this regard, the role of the National Green Tribunal (NGT) by utilizing alternative dispute resolution (ADR) mechanisms becomes pertinent as it serves as a pivotal forum for addressing environmental disputes and securing environmental justice. Since India lacks appropriate legislation to cope with the HWC situations, this paper seeks to explore the potential of ADR within the NGT framework in managing HWC and its contributions to securing SDGs in India. Additionally, the study intends to examine the challenges faced by NGT in utilizing ADR and suggests reforms to enhance its functionality. The research is significant in light of the shifting dynamics of environmental protection and sustainability and aims to offer a legislative framework or appropriate adjustments to existing legislation upon the grounds of findings, which are crucial at this point due to the depletion of biodiversity and the detrimental effect on ecological balance. To achieve the stated objectives, the study employs a doctrinal methodology for comprehensive analysis of various secondary sources including reports, policy decisions, legislations, judicial decisions, and current practices. The study encounters certain limitations due to the scarcity of research carried out to explore the impact of ADR methods in managing HWC, which will serve as a foundation for further investigations.
The objective of this research article is to provide a comprehensive examination of the internal conflicts in India's Northeast region, particularly in light of the recent outbreak of internal conflict in Manipur. The article adopts a theoretical approach, with a primary emphasis on ethnicity and reconciliation. The origins of ethnic conflict in the region can be traced back to the British colonial period in India. Consequently, this research paper examines the historical trajectory of unrest and conflict in Northeast India. This article endeavors to unravel the intricate drivers behind these protracted conflicts, shedding light on the resultant insurgencies and resistance that have cast a shadow over the northeastern part of India. Employing a primordial theoretical model, the paper analyzes ethnic conflicts, focusing on three states: Assam, Nagaland, and Manipur. Additionally, Lederach's pyramid of peace-building, serving as a theoretical model, is applied to explore potential reconciliation pathways for the region. In a broader context, this study examines the geopolitical implications arising from ethnic conflicts in Northeast India for South Asia.
