ABSTRACT The consolidation of power under the leadership of Muhammad bin Salman (MBS) is seen as a watershed moment in the contemporary political landscape of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). His swift ascent to power has been characterized by the opportunities created by King Salman that have been efficiently exploited by MBS. This research enquires how the consolidation of power of MBS is taking place in the KSA. It engages with existing scholarship to position the KSA case study within broader debates on authoritarian consolidation. It provides valuable insights into MBS's strategies for consolidating his power, using a qualitative research methodology that includes surveys and interviews with practitioners, academics, and experts in Saudi Arabian politics. The research is theoretically grounded in Personalist Authoritarianism , applying its assumptions like elite threat management, rival neutralization, and hold over coercive and legal institutions. Moreover, this study has found that, along with the above three key indicators of consolidation of power suggested by the theory, two more indicators, including support from the clerics and support from like‐minded young princes, are significantly relevant in the consolidation of power by MBS. Therefore, this study proposes enhancements to the existing theoretical framework by adding these elements, thereby aiming to facilitate future research on the consolidation of power. The findings show that MBS has successfully consolidated his power while securing short‐ to medium‐term stability, making him the undisputed leader in Saudi Arabia's current political scene.
ABSTRACT Building on previous scholarship (Elling 2013, Dudoignon, 2017, Lob & Habibi, 2019), this paper argues that the state's historical marginalization and securitization of the ethnic‐minority border provinces, coupled with their economic underdevelopment and sociopolitical discrimination, have correlated with political violence and popular protest—which, in turn, have led to greater state repression. Methodologically, this paper is based on a dataset that we acquired from the Statistics Organization of Iran on development outcomes at the provincial level between 2006 and 2021. Within the framework of the security‐development nexus and social movement theory, we contend that the uneven development between the Persian‐majority center and ethnic‐minority periphery, combined with other grievances that transcend economics, has increased the discontent of residents and their propensity to participate in political violence and popular protest against the state. In response, the state has subjected the border provinces to heightened securitization and created a vicious cycle of repression and radicalization. Our analysis of the data and other sources demonstrate a direct correlation between lower development and higher repression during the Woman, Life, Freedom protests in these provinces, particularly Sistan and Baluchestan, Kurdistan, and West Azerbaijan.
ABSTRACT This article analyzes “American Islam” as a political category of religious authenticity in the Islamic Republic of Iran rather than as a fixed theological concept. Using a critical discourse‐analytic framework, it examines how Ayatollah Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei construct and operationalize the opposition between pure Muhammadan Islam and American Islam across text, institutional circulation, and social practice. It argues that Khomeini introduced the term within a revolutionary context to delegitimize monarchism, clerical quietism, and any separation between religion and politics, embedding this dichotomy in the constitutional and institutional architecture of the new state. Under Khamenei the concept is expanded and securitized to target reformist intellectuals and the discourse of “Islam of Mercy” alike. By tracing this transformation, the article demonstrates how claims to doctrinal purity function as instruments of political authority, narrowing interpretive plurality and redefining dissent as ideological deviation within the Islamic Republic of Iran.
ABSTRACT The Red Sea, a critical artery for global maritime trade, has experienced significant disruption since November 2023 due to a surge in Houthi attacks on commercial shipping. These actions—publicly framed by the Houthis as linked to the Gaza conflict—have led to substantial increases in shipping costs, extended transit times, and heightened war‐risk premiums, profoundly impacting global supply chains and economic stability. This study examines the Houthi campaign through the analytical lens of naval and coercive diplomacy, highlighting how non‐state actors can leverage geopolitical tensions to influence international commerce. The research analyzes both the operational evolution of the attacks and their economic repercussions. In fact, the study demonstrates that the disruptions have triggered vessel rerouting, increased logistics costs, and heightened uncertainty across global trade networks. It underscores the urgent need for comprehensive approaches that address the multifaceted geopolitical factors contributing to regional instability, advocating for diplomatic resolutions to secure this vital maritime corridor and ensure the resilience of global trade.
This article analyses the often-overlooked yet crucial role of people from borderland communities in understanding the mobilization of social movements, particularly in the context of the protests in the aftermath of the death in custody of Mahsa Jina Amini on September 16, 2022. Grounded in the concept of "socioterritorial movements" introduced by geographer Bernardo Man & ccedil;ano Fernandes, the study employs this analytical framework to investigate the dynamics within two emblematic case studies: Sistan-Baluchistan and Iran's Kurdish regions. The research unfolds in two stages. First, the study examines the central protagonists of these socioterritorial movements, unraveling how actors from the periphery of these regions became pivotal figures within the movements. This analysis sheds light on the shifts in power dynamics and social mobilization that occurred. Second, the research scrutinizes the development of critical voices, with a specific emphasis on those originating from the Sunni communities within the Kurdish and Baluchi regions. This analysis seeks to reveal how these voices evolved and played a significant role in shaping the sociopolitical landscape during the 2022-23 uprising. To gather empirical data, ethnographic fieldwork was undertaken between October 2022 and April 2023, spanning a 6-month period. Interviews with key informants involved in the movements provided qualitative data on motivations, strategies, and experiences. Participant observation during events and actions related to the socioterritorial movements offered rich, contextual data. Supplementary data were derived from the analysis of more than 20 social media channels used by Kurdish and Baluchi communities, providing a comprehensive understanding of the socioterritorial movement. This article contributes to social movement analysis by highlighting the significance of people from borderland communities in shaping the dynamics of protests, emphasizing the transformative role played by actors from the periphery, and elucidating the evolution of critical voices within socioterritorial movements in Iran's borderlands. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)2022(sic)9(sic)16(sic)Mahsa Jina Amini(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)Bernardo Man & ccedil;ano Fernandes(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)--(sic)(sic)(sic)-(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)--(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). Este art & iacute;culo analiza el papel-a menudo pasado por alto, pero crucial-de las personas pertenecientes a comunidades fronterizas para comprender la movilizaci & oacute;n de los movimientos sociales, particularmente en el contexto de las protestas surgidas tras la muerte bajo custodia de Mahsa Jina Amini el 16 de septiembre de 2022. Fundamentado en el concepto de & laquo;movimientos socioterritoriales & raquo;-introducido por el ge & oacute;grafo Bernardo Man & ccedil;ano Fernande-, el estudio emplea este marco anal & iacute;tico para investigar las din & aacute;micas internas de dos casos emblem & aacute;ticos: Sist & aacute;n y Baluchist & aacute;n, y las regiones kurdas de Ir & aacute;n. Este art & iacute;culo contribuye al an & aacute;lisis de los movimientos sociales al destacar la relevancia de las personas de las comunidades fronterizas en la configuraci & oacute;n de las din & aacute;micas de protesta, enfatizando el papel transformador desempe & ntilde;ado por los actores de la periferia y dilucidando la evoluci & oacute;n de las voces cr & iacute;ticas dentro de los movimientos socioterritoriales en las zonas fronterizas de Ir & aacute;n.
