Abstract This article challenges the speaker-distribution currently accepted at Aeschylus, Choephoroe 928–30. All recent editors, following Scaliger, give 928–9 to Clytemnestra and 930 to Orestes, but 929 is better assigned to Orestes on formal, linguistic, drama-internal and intertextual grounds: the reattribution contributes to the description of Orestes as prophet and executor of Clytemnestra’s death. The first proponent of this arrangement, it is shown, was Franciscus Portus (1511–81).
Abstract Aristotle’s notion of the fine death ( καλὸς θάνατος ) confronts us with a serious difficulty: to what extent is a fine death, which involves dying courageously on the battlefield, consistent with his theory of εὐδαιμονία ? This article responds to the challenge by bringing in two parts of Aristotle’s ethics. It argues (a) that the theory of ‘mixed actions’ in Nicomachean Ethics 3.1 offers us a good model for understanding the choice that the courageous soldier is confronted with; and (b) that the fine death is compatible with εὐδαιμονία on the basis of the discussion of εὐδαιμονία and misfortune in Nicomachean Ethics 1.10.
Abstract This article discusses local tradition and Panhellenism in early epos. Examination of three characters (Nestor, Iris and Sarpedon) challenges the popular model of isolated local traditions undergoing a Panhellenic synthesis around the eighth century. Instead, it is argued that the supra-local quality of epos is more ancient, reflecting the interconnectivity of the Greek world in the Early Iron Age.
Abstract Hermogenes’ On Forms of Style became one of the most influential works of ancient rhetorical and literary theory, thanks especially to its canonical status in the Byzantine rhetorical curriculum. This article reveals a basic compositional strategy of the work. Hermogenes not only describes how each form of style is produced by a combination of stylistic features, but his discussions also constitute implicit demonstrations of the forms themselves. This phenomenon is separate from explicit examples quoted from Classical authors; it is observed in his discussion of each form; and it helps explain otherwise puzzling moments in the treatise.
This article argues that at Od. 16.305 kappa alpha iota kappa' epsilon tau epsilon omicron delta mu omega omega nu is to be preferred to the medieval vulgate kappa alpha iota kappa epsilon tau epsilon omicron delta mu omega omega nu. The latter is metrically anomalous and semantically obscure, and its awkwardness prompted secondary variants and conflicting interpretations. By contrast, the reading associated with Ptolemy of Ascalon is metrically sound and semantically apt, meaning 'true slaves'. The evidence further suggests that epsilon tau epsilon omicron delta mu omega omega nu was already regarded in antiquity as an authentic manuscript reading. Since both readings derive from the same unaccented sequence (Kappa Epsilon Tau Epsilon Omicron Delta Mu Omega Omega Nu), the issue is not one of conjectural intervention but of correct division and interpretation. Future editions should therefore adopt kappa alpha iota kappa' epsilon tau epsilon omicron delta mu omega omega nu.
This article identifies a potential authorial signature in the opening lines of Lucan's Bellum Ciuile. The adjacent letters LVCAN appear in a central position of emphasis in the poem's first two lines and constitute the core of a signature that can be extended in multiple directions to form longer intexts such as LVCANI SVM ('I am Lucan's'), LV(canus) AN(naeus) M(arcus), LVCANI MVSIS ('with the Muses of Lucan') and LVCANI M. VIS CERA DEXTRA ('the power of M. Lucanus with his right hand on the wax', or 'the power of M. Lucanus on the wax on the right-hand side'). The article proposes that this multiform signature is accompanied by signposts to help identify it and that it engages with models of such wordplay in Aratus, Lucretius, Virgil and Ovid.
This note examines the semantics of figs in Greek and Roman culture, pointing to their association with the opposition between truth and falsehood. The relevance of this association is explored in relation to a detail in the story of Brutus (Postumius Albinus, FRHist F2 = Macrob. Sat. 3.20.5) and an aetiological episode in Ovid's Fasti (Ov. Fast. 2.243-66).
It is argued that the Emperor Tiberius reacted as badly as he did to the fisherman who climbed the cliffs at Capri to offer him a gift of a surmullet (Suet. Tib. 60) because he regarded this event as an omen that his death was near at hand. He had the fisherman's face scrubbed with the surmullet to transfer the force of the omen to him instead.
Virgil's placement of the Gates of Sleep immediately after Anchises' review of Roman heroes and his instructions to Aeneas about the latter's future mission can be seen as an hommage to the traditions of early Roman historiography and in particular to Fabius Pictor, in whose history Aeneas learned his destiny through dreams.
This article takes up the question of the possible existence of an 'Auctus' version of Suetonius' De uita Caesarum: D. Rohrbacher raised legitimate doubts in an article published in 2009 about divergences between quotations in Servius and Suetonius' text; yet nobody has given them proper attention. This article therefore reviews all occurrences at stake, trying to understand where the divergences may come from, then confronts another discrepancy between Suetonius, Aurelius Victor and the Epitome de Caesaribus on the one hand, and Jerome and Eutropius on the other. It concludes that the hypothesis of a Suetonius Auctus is not necessary to explain these differences, which rather help us better understand how ancient scholars could work.
This article argues that the text of a hendecasyllabic fragment of Cinna, transmitted by Aulus Gellius, is defective, and that a neglected conjecture made by the sixteenth-century scholar Gyraldus gives a better reading. mannis, a loanword from Cisalpine Gaulish, may be the first usage of this word in Roman literature. Furthermore, reading mannis allows for the recognition of echoes of Cinna's poem in the elegies of Ovid and Propertius. While Gellius definitely read nanis (since he builds an entire chapter around the reading), a palaeographical corruption in Gellius' text of Cinna is simple to explain, although conjecture cannot be dismissed. The article shows the danger of linguistic biases in texts which transmit fragments: in this case, a bias towards reading Greek loanwords in place of those from Celtic languages.
At the climax of the Myth of Er in Plato's Republic, the soul of Odysseus chooses to be reincarnated as an alpha pi rho alpha gamma mu omega nu i delta iota omega tau eta & varsigma;, breaking with Homer's characterization of Ithaca's king (620c-d). Previous treatments of Odysseus' choice have linked it to Socrates' suggestion that the best course for a philosopher in an imperfect political context is to retreat from his society, as if taking shelter beside a wall (496d). They have also linked it to the discussion of how the philosopher who returns to the cave after gazing on the forms in a society not ready for him to rule will be reviled (517a) despite being the best leader for a city based on justice. This article builds on these intratextual connections by proposing that Plato also exploits the marked language of disaffected fifth-century elites and a pertinent intertext: the Odysseus of the prologue of Euripides' Philoctetes. Euripides' Odysseus uses language resembling Plato's to express his dissatisfaction with how honour is allocated in society, which evokes contemporary debates about rewards and punishments for democracy's successes and failures. Plato exploits the resonance of this language, but subordinates it to his philosophical purpose. Instead of finding the alpha pi rho alpha gamma mu omega nu life attractive because of frustration with the distribution of honour, Plato's Odysseus recognizes the inadequacy of phi iota lambda omicron tau iota mu iota alpha more broadly. This signals that the quiet life should be chosen for philosophically sound reasons. The example is intended to inspire Socrates' ambitious interlocutor during the Myth of Er, Plato's brother Glaucon.
The paper examines line 97 of the poem Ad coniugem suam, traditionally attributed to Prosper of Aquitaine. This line has been misedited in the last two critical editions by Hartel (1894) and Santelia (2009), whose unjustified omission of the words mundus and omnibus (respectively) resulted in an unmetrical line and distorted the meaning of the text. This paper, therefore, advocates for a restoration of the original line.
Cicero's use of the adjective repentinus at Brut. 242 (C. L. Caepasii fratres & mldr; ignoti homines et repentini) has a singularly negative and offensive meaning. Both Tertullian (Adu. Marc. 4.7.7) and Ammianus Marcellinus (14.6.13, 21.16.3) echo Cicero, employing the same adjective in conjunction with ignotus or with its synonym incognitus, albeit without the same negative and defaming nuance.
This article provides a new reading of Sophocles' Philoctetes in light of its metatheatrical relevance, by focusing on the prominent theme of Odysseus' deception in selected scenes: from the prologue to the False Merchant's scene and Heracles' speech at the end of the tragedy. This article reveals how the unfolding of the plot appears to rely on two different levels of knowledge, namely that of the informed audience on the one hand, and the limited knowledge of the characters on stage on the other. What scholars have so far read as inconsistencies within the play can be explained with Sophocles' portrayal of Odysseus as an internal 'director', who supposedly takes on different roles to accomplish his own plan while simultaneously promoting the development of the plot.
This article advances three readings in the story of the Argonauts' encounter with the boxer-giant Amycus in Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica Book 4. In reworking the Hellenistic accounts of Apollonius and Theocritus, Valerius gave the adventure a new first half based chiefly on elements inspired by Odyssey Book 9 and the Thrace and Cyclops episodes of Aeneid Book 3. The first section of the article argues that this arrangement prompts the question of the Argonauts' valour through an indirect intertextual comparison with the Trojans, who, unlike the Argonauts, ultimately fled Thrace and the Cyclops. Moreover, it suggests that this use of allusion can be linked to the theme of the Argonauts' heroism developing after Hercules' exit from the group in Book 3. The second half of the article addresses two challenging elements in the episode. When Amycus makes his appearance, it is said of him that 'nowhere do mortal signs remain', thus implying that he has somehow been transformed. To account for this change, scholars have proposed different interpretations, including metapoetic ones. The article's second part, in contrast, reads this transformation through an allusion to Theocritus' Idyll 22. In its last section, the article addresses the question of to whom ore renidenti of Arg. 4.234 belongs. Based on observations of Valerius' stylistic practices, it argues against the majority view and suggests that this 'smiling look' must belong to Pollux, not Amycus. All in all, the article enhances our understanding of the Amycus episode and sheds additional light on Valerius' densely allusive and sometimes difficult poetic style.
This article examines Numenius' use of the concept of undiminished giving in fr. 14 des Places, discussing briefly its philosophical antecedents and parallels from Plato to Early Imperial thinkers and highlighting the striking similarity of the fragment to Philo of Alexandria's De gigantibus 25-8. This similarity indicates the potential direct influence of Philo on Numenius, contributing to the debate on Philo's impact on pagan philosophy, particularly Neoplatonism.
For Seleucus I's Bactrian-Sogdian queen Apama, thanks to the Milesian decree honouring her in 299/8 b.c.e., we have first-hand information. Interpretations of Apama, particularly regarding her Bactrian-Sogdian background, nevertheless vary. Some views emphasize the instrumental role of her background in the Seleucid imperial building in the upper satrapies, while others approach this question more cautiously. This article aligns with the cautious perspective while arguing that it is difficult to produce a definitive account of the role of Apama's Bactrian-Sogdian background in Seleucid empire-building based solely on one inscription from Miletus, and that it is important to avoid an essentialized view of Apama's ethnic affiliation. It thus demonstrates how the Seleucids manipulated and reinterpreted their eastern facet through a leading polis in western Asia Minor, which was formerly under Achaemenid rule. This was part of the Seleucids' interpretation of Persianism, a term addressing non-Iranian people and their association with 'Iranian' culture, similar to how Hellenism denotes the reception of Greek culture among non-Graeco-Macedonian people. They portrayed their queen Apama as a benefactress in Miletus, by tapping into Asia Minor as a landscape where local elites emulated the Persian lifestyle during the Achaemenid period. The article emphasizes the intricate nature of displaying Persianism within a Greek polis.
In 1911, Franz Pichlmayr listed Vatican codex Barb. Lat. 812 as a manuscript attributing De uiris illustribus to Aurelius Victor-a unique and significant claim. Later scholars, notably Sage, questioned the reliability of the claim and urged caution owing to past cataloguing errors. A 2025 examination of Barb. Lat. 812 revealed that it contains records from the Council of Trent, not De uiris illustribus. Attempts to resolve the discrepancy by checking related shelfmarks were unsuccessful. Whether Pichlmayr's manuscript ever existed-and, if it did, what its identity was-remains unknown.
In In Parmenidem 1.15.7-14, Damascius surveys several principles in a first attempt to determine what is the cause of matter qua matter. This article aims to correct the text and interpretation of these lines adopted in the standard edition of Damascius' In Parmenidem by Westerink and Comb & egrave;s, by proposing the emendation delta upsilon nu alpha mu iota nu omicron upsilon sigma alpha nu in line 11; more generally, it seeks to elucidate this intricate passage, which is a largely neglected source for Damascius' conception of the material layers. In doing so, the article sheds light on his present strategy to address the question, by showing that it involves going through several aspects of the material substrate-that is, various material layers-from the most specific to the most elementary, and taking into consideration the cause of each of them. Moreover, the article clarifies the identity of the various entities that Damascius mentions in the passage. This analysis will thus contribute to the reconstruction of Damascius' theory of the origin of matter.
