Marked delays in defence acquisitions in Canada have repeatedly raised concerns about the efficiency of its military procurement system. Observers point to the lack of a single point of accountability in defence procurement, a culture of risk aversion, and layers of bureaucratic process as key sources of the problem. Drawing on the project approval process that is set out in the Department of National Defence Project Approval Directive, this article traces the Canadian defence procurement process from the identification through definition phases that are largely internal to DND. It reveals redundant or unnecessary documents and governance structures that may contribute to an inefficient defence procurement system. It highlights possible sources of bottlenecks and risk aversion and puts forward proposals for streamlining. The article concludes with a discussion of the new defence investment agency as set out in Canada's 2026 defence industrial strategy.
The last two decades have seen countless local, provincial, and even federal promises to end homelessness in Canada. These efforts to end homelessness have largely failed, and in many communities, there has been an increase in the number of people who are unhoused. We argue that preventing evictions for people who are at risk of losing their housing for financial reasons is a small but important part of larger efforts to prevent homelessness. We do so through a careful study of rent banks in Canada, which prevent evictions by providing emergency financial support to households at risk of eviction. We ask what role rent banks have played historically and are playing today in the prevention of homelessness in Canada and identify promising practices. When they are part of larger efforts to prevent evictions and homelessness at a more structural level, rent banks are important and meaningful interventions.
The war in Ukraine and Israel's successful operations have demonstrated the apparent shift in military operations, strategic defence spending, and innovations. Drawing parallels to the industrial revolution and how it slowly transferred military procurement, training, and deployment, the current study also highlights the AI revolution and the rapid transformation needed to ensure nations have the resources, training, procurement, and planning to guarantee deterrence. It is ultimately argued that many nations' future success in deterring the new asymmetrical warfare is directly tied to pivoting quickly to a new revolutionary restructuring of their militaries and security apparatus. La guerre en Ukraine et le succ & egrave;s des op & eacute;rations men & eacute;es par Isra & euml;l ont mis en & eacute;vidence une & eacute;volution manifeste des op & eacute;rations militaires, des d & eacute;penses strat & eacute;giques en mati & egrave;re de d & eacute;fense et des innovations. En & eacute;tablissant un parall & egrave;le avec la r & eacute;volution industrielle et la mani & egrave;re dont celle-ci a progressivement transform & eacute; les achats, la formation et le d & eacute;ploiement militaires, la pr & eacute;sente & eacute;tude met & eacute;galement en avant la r & eacute;volution de l'IA et la transformation rapide n & eacute;cessaire pour que les nations disposent des ressources, de la formation, des achats et de la planification indispensables & agrave; la garantie de la dissuasion. En fin de compte, l'auteur soutient que le succ & egrave;s futur de nombreux pays dans la dissuasion de la nouvelle guerre asym & eacute;trique est directement li & eacute; & agrave; leur capacit & eacute; & agrave; s'orienter rapidement vers une restructuration r & eacute;volutionnaire de leurs forces arm & eacute;es et de leur appareil de s & eacute;curit & eacute;.
This article introduces a Disagreement Index (DI) to measure formal disagreement in Westminster cabinet decision-making using declassified archival records. The DI converts observable decision outcomes, including approval, amendment, deferral, and rejection, into a standardized quantitative measure. The index is demonstrated using a complete set of documents from a British Columbia cabinet meeting to illustrate feasibility. The article shows how cabinet minutes can be systematically coded to produce transparent and replicable indicators of formal disagreement and to support longitudinal and comparative analysis where consistent documentary records are available.
This research examined the relationship between digital competency and perceived organizational support among Nova Scotia public servants and MPA students. Findings revealed a non-linear developmental progression where reliance on external validation systematically diminished as expertise matures. This "decoupling" process was punctuated by significant competency valleys at mid-career and mid-program stages, reflecting a "metacognitive recalibration" period, where professionals transition toward internalized standards. By framing performance fluctuations as developmental transitions rather than skill deficits, the study extended organizational support theory into digital transformation contexts and underscored the need for stage-sensitive interventions to navigate these critical professional passages.
This article argues that policy learning is essential for effective innovation policy. The ability to learn from past experiments in a reflexive fashion is a prerequisite for effective policy design. The article responds to the call for more applied research to compliment the theoretical framing of policy learning in the literature. Canada's Innovation Supercluster Initiative, introduced with great fanfare in 2017 and substantially revised in 2022 as the Global Innovation Clusters, offers a relevant case study. Lessons from the federal government's previous experience with national cluster policy were overlooked, in the effort to introduce a flagship initiative for Canada's Innovation and Skills Plan. The article argues that this shortcoming may reflect a deeper institutional issue with how Canada's public service is organized to retain and transmit the lessons from previous policy experiments. Cet article soutient que l'apprentissage en mati & egrave;re de politiques est essentiel & agrave; l'efficacit & eacute; des politiques d'innovation. La capacit & eacute; & agrave; tirer des enseignements des exp & eacute;riences pass & eacute;es de mani & egrave;re r & eacute;flexive est une condition pr & eacute;alable & agrave; une conception efficace des politiques. L'article r & eacute;pond & agrave; l'appel en faveur d'une recherche plus appliqu & eacute;e, destin & eacute;e & agrave; compl & eacute;ter le cadre th & eacute;orique de l'apprentissage en mati & egrave;re de politiques tel qu'il est pr & eacute;sent & eacute; dans la litt & eacute;rature. L'Initiative des supergrappes d'innovation du Canada, lanc & eacute;e en grande pompe en 2017 et consid & eacute;rablement remani & eacute;e en 2022 sous le nom de & laquo; Grappes d'innovation mondiales & raquo;, constitue une & eacute;tude de cas pertinente. Les enseignements tir & eacute;s de l'exp & eacute;rience ant & eacute;rieure du gouvernement f & eacute;d & eacute;ral en mati & egrave;re de politique nationale des grappes ont & eacute;t & eacute; n & eacute;glig & eacute;s, dans le cadre de l'effort visant & agrave; lancer une initiative phare pour le Plan d'innovation et de comp & eacute;tences du Canada. L'article soutient que cette lacune pourrait refl & eacute;ter un probl & egrave;me institutionnel plus profond li & eacute; & agrave; la mani & egrave;re dont la fonction publique canadienne est organis & eacute;e pour conserver et transmettre les enseignements tir & eacute;s des exp & eacute;riences politiques ant & eacute;rieures.
This article explores whether municipal economic development priorities align with Canada's changing economy and workforce and whether these same priorities address the employment needs of municipalities' working-age residents. Our analysis draws on census division and census subdivision data from the 2021 Canadian Census and our own original database of economic sector priorities in Canadian municipalities with populations greater than 20,000. We find general alignment between municipal sector priorities and the current composition of Canada's economy and workforce. By and large, these priorities also reflect the employment needs of working-age residents in individual municipalities. However, we also find that municipalities and their economic development agencies continue to prioritize manufacturing, even though the sector has declined significantly as a proportion of Canada's economy and a focus on manufacturing does not reflect the increasingly educated working-age population within larger municipalities. Cet article examine si les priorit & eacute;s des municipalit & eacute;s en mati & egrave;re de d & eacute;veloppement & eacute;conomique correspondent & agrave; l'& eacute;volution de l'& eacute;conomie et de la main-d'oe uvre canadiennes, et si ces m & ecirc;mes priorit & eacute;s r & eacute;pondent aux besoins en mati & egrave;re d'emploi des r & eacute;sidents en & acirc;ge de travailler dans ces municipalit & eacute;s. Notre analyse s'appuie sur les donn & eacute;es des divisions et subdivisions de recensement issues du Recensement du Canada de 2021, ainsi que sur notre propre base de donn & eacute;es originale relative aux priorit & eacute;s sectorielles des municipalit & eacute;s canadiennes comptant plus de 20 000 habitants. Nous constatons une concordance g & eacute;n & eacute;rale entre les priorit & eacute;s sectorielles municipales et la composition actuelle de l'& eacute;conomie et de la main-d'oe uvre canadiennes. Dans l'ensemble, ces priorit & eacute;s refl & egrave;tent & eacute;galement les besoins en mati & egrave;re d'emploi des r & eacute;sidents en & acirc;ge de travailler dans chaque municipalit & eacute;. Cependant, nous constatons & eacute;galement que les municipalit & eacute;s et leurs agences de d & eacute;veloppement & eacute;conomique continuent de donner la priorit & eacute; au secteur manufacturier, m & ecirc;me si celui-ci a consid & eacute;rablement diminu & eacute; en proportion de l'& eacute;conomie canadienne, et que cette focalisation sur le secteur manufacturier ne refl & egrave;te pas la population en & acirc;ge de travailler de plus en plus instruite au sein des grandes municipalit & eacute;s.
Recognition of accessibility barriers in traditional science laboratories for persons with disabilities and potential effects on scientific innovation is growing, as is the need to further explore how these barriers can be addressed in Canadian federal science laboratories. To address this gap and support the establishment of inclusive research environments, this research note synthesizes publications relevant to inclusive science and accessibility standards in Government of Canada science laboratories. The literature indicates that the built environment and workplace culture are interdependent in achieving accessible laboratories. The Inclusive Science and Accessible Laboratories pilot project at Natural Resources Canada is an illustration of how organizations can further the goals of inclusive science.
Prior to the recent amendments to the Public Service Employment Act, landed immigrants were eligible to work in the public sector; however, Canadian citizens were given preference in the hiring process. Amendments to the Act in 2021, made through Bill C-30, were intended to remove some of the potential barriers to employment from the hiring process and to provide a level playing field at the federal level for landed immigrants. It is also hoped that providing equal consideration to permanent residents and citizens during the recruitment and hiring process will raise the bar at the provincial and municipal levels, thereby contributing to greater diversity. The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of these recent legislative amendments on the hiring and staffing processes in the federal public sector.
Evaluation units provide essential information for administrators of public programs. Canada's 2016 Policy on Results emphasizes evaluating "effectiveness," with a focus on outcomes. However, it is unclear if evaluation units use this or more implementation-oriented definitions in practice, which has implications for the information evaluations will provide. This study examines 370 evaluation reports published by the largest federal departments to determine how evaluation functions are approaching effectiveness, using a combination of text mining and manual thematic analysis. Since 2014, evaluation reports have increasingly adopted implementation-oriented approaches, with variations across departments. Explanations for these patterns are discussed, along with policy implications.
This article presents a systems-based framework for the inclusive design of cash transfer programs in Canada. Grounded in the goal of enhancing inclusion through an intersectional lens, the framework integrates insights from policy design, empirical economics, and systems thinking. It emphasizes the importance of evaluating both individual-level outcomes-such as adequacy, accessibility, and participation-and macro-level impacts, including cost, low-income rate reduction, and public support. We show how the British Columbia Basic Income Expert Panel applied this framework and where improvements can be made. This approach offers practical guidance for policymakers developing equitable and effective income support programs.
Major projects, by which many policies get implemented within the Federal Government of Canada, often experience cost overruns and benefit shortfalls. Yet modicum of accountability seems to prevail. While both Canada and the UK grapple with the challenge of balancing ministerial accountability with their respective operational responsibility, Canadian Project Sponsors (CPS) do not have the same leverage as their UK counterparts, the Senior Responsible Owners (SROs), with the public pressure they can wield through an appearance before a parliamentary committee. This is an accountability challenge, not just in terms of the standards needed to assess the behaviour of CPS, but also their relationship to a forum such as a parliamentary committee where they may be held accountable ex post facto. We conclude that Canada may learn from the UK's Osmotherly Rules, which provide guidance on the role of SROs, when they are asked to offer evidence to parliamentary select committees.
We study public demand for the extension of public health insurance to psychological services. Previous research neglects the interplay of self-interest and ideology to explain individuals' willingness to pay for public mental health care. Relying on an original survey of the Quebec population, we show that support for the extension of mental health insurance is relatively weak on average, but find constituencies of support among the youth, those without private insurance, those with unmet mental health care needs and among left-wing respondents. Hence, our study contributes to research by mapping the coalitions for and against the extension of public insurance. Nous & eacute;tudions la demande publique en faveur de l'expansion de l'assurance maladie publique aux services psychologiques. Les recherches ant & eacute;rieures n & eacute;gligent l'interaction entre l'int & eacute;r & ecirc;t personnel et l'id & eacute;ologie pour expliquer la volont & eacute; des individus de payer pour des soins de sant & eacute; mentale publics. En nous appuyant sur une enqu & ecirc;te originale men & eacute;e aupr & egrave;s de la population qu & eacute;b & eacute;coise, nous montrons que le soutien & agrave; l'expansion de l'assurance maladie pour la sant & eacute; mentale est relativement faible en moyenne, mais nous constatons qu'il existe des appuis plus & eacute;lev & eacute;s parmi les jeunes, les personnes sans assurance priv & eacute;e, celles dont les besoins en mati & egrave;re de soins de sant & eacute; mentale ne sont pas satisfaits et les r & eacute;pondants de gauche. Notre & eacute;tude contribue & agrave; la recherche en cartographiant les coalitions pour et contre l'extension de l'assurance publique pour la couverture des soins de sant & eacute; mentale.
& Agrave; premi & egrave;re vue, l'& eacute;valuation de la performance s'accommode difficilement avec les principes de fonctionnement des institutions investies d'une fonction juridictionnelle. C'est pourquoi une litt & eacute;rature & eacute;mergente, mais fragment & eacute;e, s'int & eacute;resse & agrave; son adoption dans les tribunaux administratifs. Le pr & eacute;sent article synth & eacute;tise cette litt & eacute;rature & agrave; l'aune de la litt & eacute;rature critique sur l'& eacute;valuation de la performance. Il montre que l'& eacute;valuation de la performance influence les tribunaux administratifs au profit de priorit & eacute;s politiques, remettant ainsi en cause leur sp & eacute;cificit & eacute; institutionnelle. Il propose & eacute;galement un agenda de recherche. At first glance, performance evaluation sits uneasily with the operating principles of institutions vested with an adjudicative function. This is why an emerging, yet fragmented, body of scholarship has begun to examine its adoption in administrative tribunals. This paper synthesizes that body of scholarship in light of the critical literature on performance evaluation. It shows that performance evaluation shapes administrative tribunals in ways that privilege political priorities, thereby calling into question their institutional distinctiveness. The paper also proposes a research agenda.
This article presents a descriptive account of how the administration of third-party interventions at the Supreme Court of Canada has evolved since 1878. Although there has been an explosion of intervener participation over the past decade, the Court remains divided on how best to regulate their participation. To better understand the contemporary intervener landscape, this article provides a novel periodization of the rules and norms governing interventions at the Supreme Court. The article concludes that the governance of intervention is not an apolitical exercise, but rather reflects the ideas, interests, and identities on the Court at a given time. Cet article offre un compte rendu descriptif de l'& eacute;volution de l'administration des interventions de tierces parties & agrave; la Cour supr & ecirc;me du Canada depuis 1878. Malgr & eacute; l'explosion de la participation d'intervenants au cours de la derni & egrave;re d & eacute;cennie, la Cour reste divis & eacute;e quant au fait de mieux r & eacute;glementer leur participation. Dans le but de mieux comprendre le paysage contemporain des intervenants, cet article propose une nouvelle p & eacute;riodisation des r & egrave;gles et des normes qui contr & ocirc;lent les interventions & agrave; la Cour supr & ecirc;me. L'article conclut en affirmant que la gouvernance de l'intervention n'est pas un exercice apolitique, mais refl & egrave;te plut & ocirc;t les id & eacute;es, les int & eacute;r & ecirc;ts et les identit & eacute;s de la Cour & agrave; un moment pr & eacute;cis.
Public servants' social media use has been subject to considerable debate, which often focuses on the potential conflict between duty of loyalty and free speech. Similarly, digital feminism has presented both opportunities and challenges for feminist activism, facilitating increased awareness and connections, while also inviting harassment, potentially silencing particular groups. In this article, we situate GBA+ at the nexus of these phenomena, suggesting that social media offers a new mode of representing GBA+ in a networked context, implicating shifting meanings and practices that go beyond debates about public service values. We reveal three distinct uses of X: 1) to "make sense" of GBA +; 2) to build connections and relationships; and 3) as a tool to amplify their voices as employees. We highlight how femocrats' use of X represents new terrain for not only challenging and potentially transforming core public sector values but also for forging new opportunities for feminist governance. L'utilisation des m & eacute;dias sociaux par les fonctionnaires a fait l'objet d'un d & eacute;bat consid & eacute;rable, qui est souvent centr & eacute; sur le conflit potentiel entre l'obligation de loyaut & eacute; et la libert & eacute; de parole. De fa & ccedil;on similaire, le f & eacute;minisme num & eacute;rique a pr & eacute;sent & eacute; & agrave; la fois des occasions et des d & eacute;fis pour le militantisme f & eacute;ministe, en facilitant une sensibilisation accrue et des connexions, mais en favorisant aussi le harc & egrave;lement et la possibilit & eacute; de r & eacute;duire au silence des groupes particuliers. Dans cet article, nous pla & ccedil;ons l'analyse comparative entre les sexes (CAS+) au c oe ur de ces ph & eacute;nom & egrave;nes, en sugg & eacute;rant que les m & eacute;dias sociaux offrent un nouveau mode de repr & eacute;sentation de l'ACS+ dans le contexte du r & eacute;seautage social, qui implique des significations et des pratiques changeantes d & eacute;passant les d & eacute;bats sur les valeurs du service public. Nous indiquons trois utilisations distinctes de X : 1) << donner du sens >> & agrave; l'ACS+; 2) tisser des liens et des relations; et 3) l'utiliser comme un outil pour amplifier leurs voix en tant qu'employ & eacute;es. Nous soulignons comment l'utilisation de X par les f & eacute;mocrates constitue un nouveau terrain non seulement pour remettre en question et potentiellement transformer les valeurs essentielles du secteur public, mais aussi pour ouvrir de nouvelles perspectives de gouvernance f & eacute;ministe.
This article suggests that there is a problem of inconsistency related to the navigational messaging of performance audit and evaluations and that this can lead to outright misdirection. Two real case examples show the problem, and in both cases show how enlightened formative evaluations can suggest strategic, tactical and operational lessons which in some instances provide distinctly different decision navigation messages from audits. The intent is to show—using actual cases—how formative evaluations can help decision‐makers to establish the worth of program, policy and initiative investments—as well as to learn how to improve them.
This study reviews the history of climate policymaking in British Columbia (BC) and the City of Vancouver, two leaders globally in subnational climate policy. Focusing on the transportation and buildings sectors, the study overviews early policy advancements in BC in the context of subnational leadership and policy transfer. It then discusses the strengths and weaknesses of the province's recent CleanBC and Roadmap plans, touching on relevant Vancouver policies. The analysis identifies key policy gaps and possible solutions for meeting future emissions reduction targets, noting opportunities moving forward for the province and other jurisdictions looking to pursue similarly ambitious climate policy.
Quebecois separatism has been extensively studied through normative and deterministic lenses, yet the declining support for sovereignty among younger voters (18 to 35 years old) remains underexplored. Recent data indicate a significant decline in this demographic's support for independence. This article uses the Monte Carlo computational method to simulate two scenarios: 1) the probable outcome of the 1995 referendum with current youth support levels, and 2) generational shifts in support, accounting for changes as the 1995 youth cohort ages into older demographics. These simulations offer valuable insights into the potential dynamics of a future referendum in the absence of robust youth backing, highlighting the demographic challenges facing the Quebecois sovereignty movement today.
This article, co-led by an Inuk scholar, Inuvialuit graduate student, and non-Indigenous academic co-investigators, explores the implications of climate displacement research for public administration, policy, and governance, with a specific emphasis on sensing in relation to policy. Drawing on diverse forms of evidence, we highlight the role of storytelling and sensory experience in shaping climate policy. We reflect on the outcomes of a unique gathering, "Changing Climate Conversations," where Inuvialuit climate change leaders engaged with Environment Canada officials. Through unipkait (Inuit forms of storytelling) we used murals, music videos, and film, to evoke Inuvialuit youth knowledge on climate change in Tuktoyaktuk, Northwest Territories, Canada. The youth deliberations challenged conventional climate discourse, emphasizing the importance of Indigenous knowledge and perspectives in policymaking. Our findings underscore the need for justice-oriented policies that honour diverse voices and promote ecological and social justice, enacting inclusive policy futures that center Indigenous sovereignty in environmental governance. Cet article, co-dirig & eacute; par un chercheur inuk, un & eacute;tudiant dipl & ocirc;m & eacute; inuvialuit et des co-chercheurs universitaires non autochtones, explore les implications de la recherche sur les d & eacute;placements climatiques pour l'administration publique, les politiques et la gouvernance, en mettant particuli & egrave;rement l'accent sur la perception en relation avec les politiques. En nous appuyant sur diverses formes de donn & eacute;es probantes, nous soulignons le r & ocirc;le de la narration et de l'exp & eacute;rience sensorielle dans l'& eacute;laboration des politiques climatiques. Nous r & eacute;fl & eacute;chissons aux r & eacute;sultats d'une rencontre unique, << Changing Climate Conversations >>, au cours de laquelle des leaders inuvialuits engag & eacute;s dans la lutte contre le changement climatique ont dialogu & eacute; avec des repr & eacute;sentants d'Environnement Canada. & Agrave; travers l'unipkait (forme de narration inuite), nous avons utilis & eacute; des peintures murales, des clips musicaux et des films pour & eacute;voquer les connaissances des jeunes Inuvialuits sur le changement climatique & agrave; Tuktoyaktuk, dans les Territoires du Nord-Ouest, au Canada. Les d & eacute;lib & eacute;rations des jeunes ont remis en question le discours conventionnel sur le climat, soulignant l'importance des connaissances et des perspectives autochtones dans l'& eacute;laboration des politiques. Nos conclusions soulignent la n & eacute;cessit & eacute; de politiques ax & eacute;es sur la justice qui respectent la diversit & eacute; des opinions et favorisent la justice & eacute;cologique et sociale, en mettant en place des politiques inclusives qui placent la souverainet & eacute; autochtone au centre de la gouvernance environnementale.
