The subject of this paper is the purge process in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the Carnation Revolution, using the Portuguese diplomatic mission in France as a case study. We begin by highlighting some of the peculiarities of the Portuguese diplomatic corps and their relationship with the Portuguese community abroad. Then we examine the legislative and institutional evolution of the purge process and the procedures followed inside the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Lastly, we present the results of the process at the time of the dissolution of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' own purge commission in March 1976.
Mozambique, then a Portuguese colony, was affected by the Spanish flu from October 1918. This pandemic arrived via South Africa and Southern Rhodesia in mid-October. The outbreak occurred at a time when military hostilities were still ongoing following Portugal's involvement against German troops in central and northern Mozambique during the First World War. The spread of the Spanish influenza was facilitated and accelerated by colonization and modernization, particularly through the movement of people via rail and maritime transport, the concentration of people at public and private gatherings, and weak epidemiological surveillance.
This article analyses the influence of the Portuguese revolution (1974-1975) on Andal & aacute;n, a journal promoted during the Spanish political transition by left-wing and autonomist intellectual circles in Aragon. Through a case study, it examines publications that directly addressed the issue or contained references to this political process. The results show that the events triggered by 25 April 1974 served as a reference for the Spanish democratic press, including at the regional level, and that this journal expressed explicit support for the most progressive sectors among those leading the revolution.
Taking as its starting point the question of the interactions of the Portuguese nation with the events of 25 April, this article begins by highlighting the break that characterized Portuguese democratization. From a political and ideological perspective, we consider the window of opportunity created in the revolutionary context for a reaction to the past, in particular the colonial past. Thus, by highlighting a redefinition of the image of the nation linked not only to a change in the territorial framework but also to a reconfiguration of historical narratives, this article examines the interactions that occurred in the context of the redefinition of the national imaginary following 25 April. It also analyses the political activation of past themes related to democratization, in particular decolonization, by the new far-right in conjunction with post-25 April Portuguese nationalism. The article thus contributes to the study of the Portuguese Revolution and its interaction with the national imaginary in the politico-ideological sphere on the occasion of this 50th anniversary.
The Carnation Revolution is not limited to the Portuguese context. A broader global history unfolds both before and after the coup of 25 April 1974. The anti-colonial war, the processes of independence, and the transfer of power in former African and Asian colonies are just some facets of this process. The diplomatic and political work of liberation movements also played a crucial role. This article focuses on the political turmoil that emerged from the Carnation Revolution, which had significant reverberations within the global context of the Cold War. The case of Timor-Leste, Portugal's most distant colony in Southeast Asia, serves as an example of the political influences arising from the Portuguese context. This article puts into perspective the global networks and connections that existed during the Carnation Revolution and the decolonization of Timor-Leste between 1974 and 1975.
The following article traces the official political discourse of the People's Republic of Poland on the Portuguese Revolution and the process of building democracy that followed. Although, diplomatically, Poland- an ally of the USSR- welcomed the revolution in which the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) played an important role, events in Europe's most western country were viewed with ambivalence and even fear. While Poland was willing to establish closer economic ties with the West and although it strongly supported the policy of d & eacute;tente, a major sociopolitical shake-up in a NATO member state posed a problem. In this article, we examine the hopes and fears of the Polish regime, the mutual interest in cooperation, and the local Polish context: economic liberalization without democratization in the so-called `Gierek decade'. The upheavals in Portugal, with their radical social demands, posed a challenge to the socialist government in Warsaw, particularly as its political allies were at the vanguard of the fight for democracy. Indeed, the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR) wished to present the Portuguese Revolution to society as a quest for liberal-democratic stabilization, rather than a genuine revolutionary process aimed at achieving socialism.
Cuba and Portugal carried out revolutions that were, in their way, paradigms of 20th-century international history. Drawing on diplomatic, military, and media sources, this article explores the encounter of these two revolutions between 1974 and 1975. It reconstructs the background of their relations and identifies the agents and institutions that rekindled their mutual interest in the aftermath of 25 April 1974, framing their bilateral relations and the circulation of information and people. Furthermore, the article analyzes how the Ver & atilde;o Quente (Hot Summer) of 1975 catalyzed this tightening relationship, while suggesting that Portuguese political tensions and Angolan independence shaped the outcome of this encounter.
This article questions the need and urgency of responding to the acts of colonial perpetuation embedded in the patrimonial, memorialist, and monumental dimensions of historical narratives in public spaces. These dimensions- manifested in inaugurations celebrating the adventurous spirit of maritime expansion, in uncritical nationalist rhetoric, and in affirmations of a certain ("New") Portugueseness- somehow reveal what the Carnation Revolution failed to erase. Are the Portuguese cobblestone coats of arms in the Empire Garden (Jardim do Imp & eacute;rio) remnants of colonial nostalgia or do they represent a persistent process of coloniality that has never truly dissipated? Can the dispute over narratives in public spaces help us reflect on "which revolution?" 50 years on?
One can clearly see that Lusotropicalism survived the Carnation Revolution, which raises two questions. First, were there many manifestations of Lusotropicalism during the Revolution itself, particularly among the military? Second, was it because of the specific characteristics of the Revolution that Lusotropicalism survived so well? This article seeks to answer these questions by analyzing the texts, declarations, and actions of Portuguese political and military leaders in the years between the Carnation Revolution and 2024. It then examines whether similar behaviour occurred during the Revolution itself. The conclusion is balanced: yes, there is systemic Lusotropicalism in Portugal, but that does not mean it is hegemonic. Moreover, it is difficult to distinguish Lusotropicalism from Portugal's old imperial ideology.
By mapping Angolan, Portuguese, and Western international newspapers and press clippings in the archive of the Angolan Diamond Company (Diamang), it is possible, through triangulation, to compare the discourses from the metropole, the South and the West on the Revolution of 25 April 1974. The clipping collection made by the company's Public Relations Unit is an ideal lens for better understanding how the Carnation Revolution was experienced in other latitudes, since the collective memory of 25 April 1974 has been shaped from Portugal's perspective, forgetting the specificities of local contexts.
This article analyses the place and importance of the Carnation Revolution in the drafting of the 1976 Portuguese Constitution from a constitutional law perspective. It examines the influence of the revolutionary dynamic on the process and the imprint of the Revolution on constitutional debates. The study thus aims to contribute to a better understanding of the intrinsic link, in Portugal, between the revolutionary phenomenon of 1974 and the constituent movement of 1976.
Half a century after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, an extensive mechanism of commemorative practices has been built around its memory. Considering that the administration of memory also occurs through the official inclusion of historical events in the calendar, the national holiday of 25 April is perceived as a continuous construction of the past in the public sphere, shaped by the present. In this sense, the article aims to reflect on the potential of the public commemorations of 25 April as symbolic instruments for the realization of memory policies. It takes as its starting point the tribute held in April 2024 to the four individuals murdered by PIDE/DGS on 25 April 1974. From this, an ethnographic reflection on this event serves as a lens to examine two other memorialization initiatives that took place in March 2024. In this way, the article considers commemorations as public memory policies and explores how these memorialization instruments contribute to the materialization of celebrations of the past.
The aim of this article is to discuss and critically examine the history of thousands of women workers as active agents of this period, who fought for the right to work and improved living conditions during the Ongoing Revolutionary Process (PREC) in Portugal, from April 1974 to November 1975. Methodologically, we opted to use primary sources for this analysis, namely newspapers, pamphlets, communiques and factory newspapers- not "official sources", but alternative sources.
O presente artigo centra-se no processo de saneamentos no Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros (MNE), durante a Revolução dos Cravos utilizando a missão diplomática portuguesa em França como caso de estudo. Apresenta-se algumas características do corpo diplomático e o seu historial de relações com a comunidade portuguesa, no período antes do 25 de Abril. Em seguida, analisa-se a evolução legislativa e orgânica dos “saneamentos” e os procedimentos próprios no MNE, para no fim apontar os seus resultados, em França, aquando do fim dos trabalhos da comissão de saneamento do MNE, em março de 1976.
Partindo da interrogação acerca das interações entre o 25 de Abril e a nação portuguesa, este artigo comece por destacar o caráter de rutura da democratização portuguesa. Será tida em consideração a estrutura de oportunidade criada no contexto revolucionário para uma reação ao passado, particularmente o colonial, e a reorganização de narrativas sobre o passado que caracteriza uma rutura revolucionária. Assim, ao assinalar uma redefinição da imagem da nação, reflexiona-se acerca da interação assinalada não só no âmbito de uma rearticulação do imaginário nacional resultante do 25 de Abril, como também da ativação política dos temas do passado respeitante à democratização, destacando a descolonização, por parte da nova extrema-direita em articulação com o nacionalismo português pós-25 de Abril. Deste modo, procura-se contribuir neste artigo para o estudo da Revolução Portuguesa e da sua interação com o imaginário nacional no âmbito político-ideológico neste seu 50º aniversário.
Este artigo interroga a necessidade e a urgência de reagir aos atos de perpetuação colonial envolvidos nas dimensões patrimoniais, memorialistas e monumentais das narrativas históricas em espaço público. Essas dimensões, plasmadas em inaugurações celebratórias do espírito de aventura da expansão marítima, em retóricas nacionalistas acríticas e em afirmações de uma certa (“Nova”) portugalidade, de algum modo revelam o que a Revolução dos Cravos não conseguiu apagar. Serão os brasões em pedra de calçada portuguesa do Jardim do Império restos nostálgicos coloniais ou perene processo de colonialidade que nunca se dissipou? A disputa pelas narrativas nos espaços públicos servirá para pensar “qual revolução?” cinquenta anos depois?
