The Karashamb silver cup is one of the most emblematic protohistoric artefacts of the southern Caucasus, as well as arguably the most outstanding object from the Middle Bronze Age. The cup has been investigated rather widely from a variety ofperspectives including the technological and the contextual, but only partially with regard to its iconography. The objective of this paper is to provide afresh and in-depth investigation of the complex iconographic repertoire that is represented on the objects' several registers. The iconographic system is significantly more intricate than it first appears to be, and because it is susceptible to a polysemous interpretation, it stands as a singular testimony to the degree of complexity that the artisans who created it were able to achieve.
Lithics are crucial to understanding prehistoric lifestyles. Tale Dehdaran (Fath Abad) is located in the west of Kazeroun County in Fars Province. This study deals with the description, classification and typology of lithics collected during surface survey at the site. It reviews the diversity of technologies detectable in lithic artefacts from Tale Dehdaran and other prehistoric sites on the Kazeroun Plain to determine similarities and differences, and thereby better understand the cultural materials of Tale Dehdaran. The systematic surface survey of the Dehdaran site led to the identification and sampling of 230 lithic artefacts, among which retouched tools and fragments were the most abundant. In terms ofproduction technology, the assemblage recovered from Tale Dehdaran can be considered a set of blades-bladelets. The initial steps of the cutting sequence occurred somewhere off site, and the producers accelerated the removal process of blades and bladelets and semi cores.*
Challenges in the study of ancient sources are often linked to the difficulty of situating them within a specific temporal and geographical context. Researchers frequently rely on the information provided by the object or document itself, including its content (such as the text), yet this remains a complex undertaking. Difficulties of this kind are particularly evident in the case of mortuary papyri preserved from Roman Egypt. Traditionally, their contextualisation has been based primarily on the textual content and palaeographic analysis. However, the contribution of iconography-often accompanying religious passages-has frequently been overlooked. In this article, we present a case study that illustrates how religious imagery can refine the chronology ofpBerlin 1522. An analysis of the iconography of its verso enables a more precise dating, refining the broad second-century CE attribution to a more specific period of c. 100-116AD.*
This article examines the Berikldeebi settlement in Georgia, excavated by Aleksandre Javakhishvili in 1978-1991. Berikldeebi is key to understanding the Late Chalcolithic period in the Caucasus, but until recently it had not been fully published. This study situates Berikldeebi within the broader cultural landscape of the Late Chalcolithic South Caucasus and explores its relationship with contemporaneous sites in the region. Particular attention is paid to the rich variety of ware types, which indicate a degree of regional continuity as well as external influence. The presence of Uruk-type ceramics and mudbrick architecture points to interaction with Mesopotamian cultural spheres, while comparisons with other parts of the Caucasus region, like western Georgia and the North Caucasus, reveal shared traditions alongside distinctly regional developments. By examining material culture, spatial distribution and production techniques, this article highlights the role of Berikldeebi as a hub of interregional connectivity and localised adaptation during the Late Chalcolithic period. These findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of cultural entanglement in the prehistoric Caucasus.*
The traditional grammarians of Arabic dealt extensively with the temporal indications of the perfect and imperfect forms when preceded by various particles. Most agreed that the ma yaf'alu construction indicates al-hal; namely, "the present tense" or "a current action". If so, why is la yaf'alu, which has the same indication, not used instead? No satisfactory responses emerge from either grammatical treatises or modern studies. This article focuses on the ma yaf'alu construction and suggests that al-hal refers to the grammatical and lexical aspect of the verb rather than to its tense. Thus al-hal should be rendered as a "state", whereas the whole clause preceded by wa (wa-ma yaf'alu) should be regarded as a circumstantial clause. The analysis also identifies four features that help distinguish the wa-ma yaf'alu construction from other constructions that start with the negative particles 'in, la or ma al-higaziyya: (1) in wa-ma yaf'alu the action is negated and not the agent, unlike in the other three constructions; (2) in some cases, using an active participle or a noun is less acceptable for grammatical reasons, so that a verbal clause is used instead; (3) in the wa ma yaf'alu construction, the particle 'illa is used as an exceptive, whereas in the other constructions,'illa is used as a contrastive or connective particle; (4) ma yastawi and la yastawi have the same indication (gnomic present that expresses a general truth), and there are no grammatical or aspectual differences between them.*
Most modern English Bible translations translate the Hebrew word (sic) either "choir director" (NASB, NLT, ESV, Legacy Standard Bible, Holman Christian Standard Bible, Christian Standard Bible, Gods' Word (R) Translation) or "music director" (NET Bible, KJV, NIV, NKJV, Amplified Bible, English Revised Version, New Heart English Bible, Webster's Bible Translation, World English Bible). Few modern English translations follow the LXX by translating f"or the end" (Brenton Septuagint Translation and Douay-Rheims Bible). This article, nevertheless, proposes an alternative translation of (sic) Psalm 13: "victory" or "glory". This research will use textual criticism as its methodology. In addition to the study of cognate languages, contextual analysis will justify that this translation well suits the context of Psalm 13. Since the Hebrew word (sic) only occurs in the book of Psalms, and it appears in 55 psalms, this research employs lexical analysis to argue how this alternative translation of the Hebrew word (sic) fits within the reading of those 55 Psalms.
This paper aims to review the archaeological evidence for Pessinus (modern-day Ballihisar), a major site that may provide precious information on settlement development of the Phrygian Period away from Gordion. The archaeological research conducted at Pessinus/Ballihisar, however, reveals scant occupation before the sixth century BCE. This is likely due to the fact that the growth and prosperity of this ancient site were often reliant on external factors that may or may not have provided favourable conditions for its success. In particular, it appears that Pessinus greatly benefited from the presence of larger supra-regional powers, which facilitated the establishment of connections across the area. Pessinus, thus, expanded during the Achaemenid Period, which saw the creation of a significant commercial network in the region. During the Hellenistic Period, when Pessinus emerged as a major centre, its association with Pergamon and the Attalids played a crucial role in strengthening the connection between Pessinus and the cult of Cybele, which is not present at the site of Pessinus before this time. The Roman Period marked a distinct phase in the history of Ballihisar/Pessinus, characterised by urban development and extensive occupation. This growth came at the expense of local elites, who participated in the new order established in central Anatolia by Emperor Augustus and continued by his followers.
Scholarship has often drawn attention to the Classical written sources suggesting that the Phrygian cultural sphere reached far north to the Black Sea coast; however, direct evidence seemed to lack, given the challenges of gathering and synthesising the disparate archaeological material. Although noted, but not widely appreciated is the early evidence for veneration of the Mother Goddess with the name Kybebos in Amisos, and a few sculptures from the coastal sites that are only tentatively dated to the eighth to seventh century BCE. Yet, the question of the extent and nature of Phrygian influence at the Black Sea coast remains open to discussion. Recent archaeological discoveries at the different excavated sites brought a number of archaeological materials to the light that can be more securely assigned to the Phrygian cultural sphere. This paper will present a survey of archaeological evidence for a comprehensive analysis of broader cultural networks of Phrygia and draw on the thesis that the southern Black Sea coast was a middle ground for cultural encounters between Greek colonists and Phrygians.
The creation of rock-cut monuments is widespread in Anatolia, not limited to one region or culture. This hints at shared practices, possibly based on interrelations and even competition between lands. Phrygia, however, can definitely be highlighted as one of the leading regions in this medium. In this paper, the "step monuments" in Phrygian Midas City, and their possible regional parallels are investigated. The areas to the southeast have received more scholarly attention, so, to broaden the scope, the emphasis here is a comparison of the Phrygian corpus with monuments located in the western Anatolian/Aegean region. This includes the so-called "Throne of Pelops" on Mount Sipylos in Lydia, a rock-cut installation on Bulbuldag in Ephesos, and two altars on the islands of Chios and Halki. In the final section of the paper, an attempt is made to reconcile the contemporary perception of these places with ancient literary sources. Hopefully, these investigations can supplement the study of the Phrygian rock-cut monuments.
The alleged Phrygian migration from the southern Balkans to Anatolia has received extensive attention in the literature, and has dominated the discussion of Phrygia and the West. Supporters of the historicity of this migration typically follow ancient Greek historical narratives, but they also draw from archaeological and linguistic evidence from Anatolia and the north Aegean. My study revisits the ancient narratives which form the cornerstone of the migration theory, with particular emphasis on the traditions which localise king Midas and the early Phrygians to the land later occupied by the Macedonians. I side with the scholars who have questioned the historicity of these traditions and have situated them in the context of discourses on ethnicity and identity. Also, I argue that the formation of these traditions should be placed in the historical context of the Persian expansion into Europe and its immediate aftermath. As the Persian army marched through - and withdrew from - the north Aegean, different ethnic groups and their leaders, but especially the Macedonian rulers, found ample opportunity to promote political ambition and territorial expansion by forging, negotiating, and manipulating identity and Otherness.
A temple model found in Daskyleion sheds light on the relation of Phrygian, Lydian, and Ionian temple architecture, which has not yet been sufficiently understood. The limestone model has been dated to 670/50 BCE, according to the context of its origin, by Tomris Bakir and Suat Ateslier, but since it is not an object of everyday life, it probably has been in use, or display, for some time, and may date to the late eighth or early seventh century BCE. The temple model is related to features of the well-known rock-cut facades of Western Phrygia, like the Midas monument or the Arezastis monument. Parallels are the gabled roof with crossed horns crowning the pediment, and a (painted) vertical beam in the middle of the pediment. The entrance of the temple model is marked by a niche which also is reminiscent of Phrygian rock-cut monuments. On the other hand, two painted columns with volute capitals may be interpreted as columns of a prostyle or peripteral temple, similar to the earliest temple of Artemis at Ephesos.
Discussions of the formation of the Phrygian state have long been linked, either directly or indirectly, to a migration explanation - specifically, to the movement of a population group from the Balkans to central Anatolia in the Early Iron Age - in the wake of the Bronze Age collapse. Though rarely made explicit, this has contributed to the reconstruction of a Phrygian state based at Gordion where political identity was defined along ethnolinguistic lines. Such reconstructions have been reinforced by an overreliance on later Greek historical sources for our definitions of "Phrygian." Elsewhere in Anatolia, however, most notably in the Syro-Hittite region to the southeast, scholars increasingly agree that political affiliation was not so ethnolinguistically determined, and instead that a distinctive brand of urbanism, facilitated by integrative local social practices, was a key factor in constructing political communities in this formative period. This paper first summarises the evidence for a Balkan migration to Gordion and outlines its limitations for understanding the origins of the complex polity based there. An alternate, place-based model of "Phrygian" political identity is instead proposed, with some discussion of its implications for the archaeology of Phrygian Gordion and central Anatolia more broadly.
In this article we examine the cultural relationships of one of Iron Age Anatolia's most understudied areas, the south-central plateau. Although the Iron Age of this region has been historically neglected, recent years have seen enough new evidence to warrant a fresh study of some well-known monuments, and to interpret their cultural affiliations considering new data, including the redating of Gordion's Destruction Level and the discovery of TURKMEN-KARAHOYUK(1). We argue that, although many parts of the picture are still missing, there is increasing evidence that south-central Anatolia, and especially the Konya Plain, was a major venue for interregional connections. This evidence can be seen both in landscape monuments and in the archaeology of a small number of settlements.
The purpose of this study is to investigate, from a historical perspective, some aspects of the Greek imaginary regarding ancient Phrygia. More specifically, we aim to provide deeper insights as to how Greek- and Latin-speaking authors tried to make sense, in spatial terms, of the Phrygian world they set in mythical, pre-historical times. Addressing issues from the angle of cultural geography, we will attempt to answer questions such as: which places came to be mostly associated with figures and tales relating to the Phrygian past, serving as Phrygian landmarks in the eyes of Greek observers? How did historical events contribute to shaping the Greek geography of the ancient Phrygian world? Finally, is it possible to indirectly recover, through the thick lens of Greek cultural memory, elements of the cultural geography of Iron Age Phrygians?
Traditional views in Classical Archaeology attribute the first use of ceramic roof tiles to the Greek polis of Corinth, where they are thought to have originated in the first half of the seventh century BCE. However, the lavishly decorated tiles of the Phrygian and Lydian kingdoms in Asia Minor have mostly been regarded as provincial copies of the Greek examples, dating to the sixth century BCE. The New Chronology of the Phrygian capital of Gordion requires a re-evaluation of the dating and cultural context of the numerous tiles that have been discovered at the site since excavations began in the early 20th century. Some of the tiles, having been found in contexts associated with Middle Phrygian buildings, must now be dated to the eighth century BCE, based on stratigraphic, typological, iconographic, stylistic, and historical grounds. They seem to be closely linked to the rebuilding of the palace citadel after its destruction by fire ca. 800 BCE. The tiles from Gordion thus pre-date those from mainland Greece by about a century, attributing the invention of ceramic roof tiles to the Phrygians.
Given the recent attention that has been given to the TURKMEN-KARAHOYUK(1) inscription and its implications for the kingdom of Hartapu and his interactions with the Mushki, this paper seeks to engage with the question of how the peoples of the Early Iron Age in central Anatolia negotiated the political and cultural boundaries between them while at the same time sharing a great deal in terms of material culture. One way that this negotiation happened was through the use of monumental stone inscriptions, which reappear here for the first time since the dissolution of the Hittite Empire at the end of the Late Bronze Age. The choice of scripts and media for these inscriptions is examined, and it is suggested that rather than being passive, the construction of these monumental stone inscriptions was a deliberate choice in negotiating cultural identity.
The paper presents the results of the most recent campaigns conducted by the Archaeological Mission in Hierapolis of Phrygia. After a brief introduction on the Iron Age research in the Lykos Valley, the results of research carried out in recent years (2017-2019) will be presented. An important discovery concerns the identification of the Phrygian phase dating back to the Iron Age, never documented before this research. A necropolis dating back to the eighth to seventh centuries BCE has been explored through extensive excavations during the last three years. It is the first discovery of this type in the entire Lykos valley. It sheds new light on the settlement of the area before the Macedonian colonisation, a subject on which there are so far no documents from stratigraphic excavations.(1)
The aim of this contribution is to better understand the impact of Phrygian traditions and cults on material culture by focusing on the representations of birds of prey, widely attested both as independent objects and as attributes of the goddess Matar. Birds of prey were surely part of central Anatolian everyday life in the Phrygian period; even better, they should have been related to important human activities since they ended up playing a big role in the iconographic milieu of these populations. Here, an overview of representations of birds of prey in Iron Age central Anatolia is offered, in order to explain the enormous iconographic success of this subject. What will emerge is the fact that the representations of raptors, in particular hawks and eagles, seem to have had a wide chronological spread but a very focused geographical concentration: they appear in Phrygian art from the mid-ninth century BCE and continue down to the sixth century BCE, with some possible later remnants. The article aims to offer some interpretative clues for their concentration in this period.
