This study evaluates the impact of intergenerational trauma on the experience of poverty by women of African descent (WoAD) who live in the Western suburbs of Melbourne. It is a cross-sectional study with reflexive thematic analysis and employs methodological strategies of qualitative and descriptive data analysis. Meanwhile, an online survey questionnaire was developed using Qualtrics XM software. The work argues that intergenerational trauma has a significant impact on the poverty experience of women ofAfrican descent in the Western suburbs of Melbourne, increasing mental health issues, breakdown of family relationships, social isolation, and low self-esteem. The findings show that to support these women, there is a need to improve the knowledge and understanding of available services that deal with mental health issues such as depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The experience of these factors has led to women's inability to participate in economic activities, resulting in financial hardship and poverty. It suggests the need to engage in advocacy to address systemic barriers and improve the cultural responsiveness of service providers to better support women of African descent and reduce poverty.
Recent policy reports highlight the continuing adverse impact of financial poverty on many Australians. Yet, governments continue to largely ignore the needs of those living in poverty. This article revisits the findings of three major inquiries into poverty: the bipartisan Henderson Poverty Inquiry which reported from 1975-1977, the Senate Community Affairs References Committee (CARC) inquiry headed by the Labor Party which reported in 2004, and the recent Senate CARC inquiry headed by the Australian Greens which reported in 2024. It critically examines parliamentary speeches responding to these inquiries, and interrogates how the contested framing of the causes of poverty alternatively highlights or marginalises concerns about social and economic disadvantage.
This article examines the enduring economic disadvantage experienced by older Australians who spent time in childhood institutions, arguing that their poverty in later life is not accidental, but structurallyproduced and historically entrenched. Drawing onexisting national and international data, as well as thematic findings from recent research, the article traces how early institutionalisation- characterised by dislocation, neglect, and disempowerment-sets Care Leavers on a trajectory of systemic exclusion. Despite the state assuming parental responsibility, Care Leavers were systematically denied the social, emotional, and material foundations necessary for security in adulthood. Instead, they were made dependent on fragmented systems-welfare, housing, justice, and health-that replicated the control and conditionality of institutional care while offering little safety or redress. In older age, these patterns manifest in chronic poverty, housing insecurity, limited educational and employment opportunities, and a lack of intergenerational support. The article identifies critical policy and practice failures, including the absence of economic justice in redress schemes and the failure to adequately compensate for a lifetime of disadvantage, that recognises the structural legacy of institutional harm. Drawing on recommendations developed in partnership with Care Leaver advocacy groups, the article proposes strategies to ensure that Care Leavers can age in place with dignity-through approaches that avoid replicating the harms and institutional practices of the past.
Aotearoa New Zealand (NZ) and Australia report high child poverty rates, particularly amongst Indigenous/First Nations peoples, minority ethnic groups, those with disabilities, and refugee communities. To meet UN Sustainable Development Goal 1: ending relative poverty, including for children, consistent long-term efforts are crucial. Whilst NZ's Child Poverty Act (2018) initially reduced its incidence, political shifts and the cost-of-living crisis have reversed that trend. Australia has not adopted similar legislation. Poverty infringes children's rights by limiting participation in educational, social, cultural, and recreational occupations, defined broadly as all the things people do in everyday life, such as playing, doing homework, sports, chores, and computer games. The social, physical, and mental capacities and knowledge children gain from engaging in occupation supports their health, wellbeing, development, and future prospects. Within NZ's child poverty policies, perspectives on children's occupations are underrepresented. Recent NZ research suggests that multidimensional poverty constrains children's patterns of participation across all occupational domains, including domestic, educational, recreational, and cultural activities, limiting their opportunities to develop their capabilities. Occupation-focused and transdisciplinary solutions, driven by those most affected, such as Indigenous communities, minority groups, children, young people, their families, and community-based organisations are required. Therefore, adopting an occupational perspective is crucial to designing government policy that attends to community-driven opportunities for children to participate in occupations that will optimise their capabilities and lift them out of poverty.
A significant number of youth in Indonesia are vulnerable to experiences of poverty and other forms of inequality. Young people have the highest rate of unemployment in Indonesia, and there is also data showing that they are one of the groups most likely to experience inequalities such as mental health challenges, housing instability, and lack of access to health and education systems. To date, little research or policy has analysed the disadvantage experienced by those aged between 18 and 25 years old in Indonesia. Most of the research and policy intervention has specifically targeted child poverty and family poverty, with less attention paid to wider poverty and inequality experienced by youth. This article critically examines the key vulnerabilities and inequalities experienced by youth in Indonesia, and uses a "Political Settlement" framework to identify alternative policy directions.
In February 2024, the report of the Senate Community Affairs References Committee Inquiry into 'the extent and nature of poverty in Australia' was released. Of the fourteen recommendations, five related to child poverty and Recommendation 13 called for the Australian Government to take action to reduce child poverty. This paper initially considers what child poverty is, drawing on rights-based, child-centred research with children and the resulting MOR (material, opportunity, relational) Framework, to assess the Recommendations put forward by the Report and examines what is needed to make real Recommendation 13 that child poverty be reduced. It argues that child poverty can be ended in Australia, but not within existing systems. Child poverty can be managed (not increase markedly, nor be reduced significantly) through patching current systems. Reform of current systems is likely to reduce child poverty moderately. To end child poverty, it is necessary to transform the social and economic structures and systems that create, maintain and deepen poverty for children and their families. The Recommendations from the Inquiry provide some possibilities for reform but stop far short of the transformational shifts needed to end child poverty.
This case study explores an attempt to initiate reparative justice in a midwestern United States municipality, focusing on what forms of reparations are necessary to address systemic racism and inequality in the community. The findings highlight the need for efforts that dismantle white supremacy, restore generational wealth for Black residents, and address disparities in education, housing, and criminal justice. The case study underscores the importance of engaging Black residents in outcome-driven conversations to rebuild trust and address historical and ongoing harms. Local taxing bodies are urged to take the lead in reparative efforts while fostering a cultural shift that confronts white fragility and defensiveness. Recommendations include initiating tangible steps to redress harm and creating a more inclusive and equitable community identity. Ultimately, sustained dialogue and visible action are critical for building trust and demonstrating a genuine commitment to repairing the legacies of systemic inequities.
In the three years since the Russian invasion of Ukraine massive casualties have occurred on both sides. While information on the situation in Ukraine is available the situation in Russia is more opaque. It is difficult to know what impact the enormous casualties have had on the Russian population as increasingly draconian legislation has been passed to stifle critics. But there have remained avenues of resistance to participation in the invasion. One of these is to assert the rights to conscientious objection embedded in the Russian Constitution. This right is being undermined but as this report details there are still Russians attempting to assert their rights to conscientious objection in military tribunals and courts with some limited successes, despite the risk of punitive treatment.
Everyday communication that is deceitful and harmful to people from marginalised groups is pervasive. The article discusses how these 'modern oppressive discourses' are a tool for oppression and why deciphering them is necessary for the pursuit of truth and avoidance of authoritarianism. The author critiques modern oppressive discourses using a system justification theory approach that ties system justification to a series of ideologies individuals use to justify the status quo. A table that sets forth modern oppressive discourses common in the United States is provided. Accompanying each discourse is (1) an enumeration of the system justifying ideologies at work, (2) a 'decoding' of each discourse to make the ideology apparent and reveal a refreshed statement of what is implied, and (3) one or more descriptive shorthands for each discourse. The article concludes with a discussion of why modern oppressive discourses require individuals to change how they view even the facially inconsequential deceptions of those who hold power and those who parrot them.
Cultural appropriation, using something from one culture without showing respect to the culture of origin, is something that the Black community has experienced ad nauseam throughout American history. This was especially true during the George Floyd protests when anti-racist language took on a life of its own, with word usages often straying from their original meaning rooted in Blackness. This essay explicates the term 'Black joy' as an example to illustrate the danger of language cultural appropriation and its rampant occurrence during the 'woke' era. By considering misguided characterisation of other popular terms of this period, such as microaggressions, intersectionality, and critical race theory, the argument is made that language cultural appropriation and the erasure of Blackness must be resisted if racial justice is to be realised.
After years of living in a global pandemic the COVID-19 crisis impacted everyone across the globe. Moreover, we are reminded of the violence against Black, Indigenous and/or People of Colour (BIPoC) by the state in the form of the aid delivered to help alleviate the stress caused by this pandemic. Our qualitative study troubles the converging pandemics, the impact of COVID-19 on PreK-12 and higher education leadership and institutional racism, or the fight for racial justice embedded within our institutions, that began as multi-phase phenomenological design, transitioned to Photovoice, and became a testament to re/imagining educational futures through the lenses of sustainable wokeness and critical hope. For the purposes of this article, we highlight a selection of the PreK-12 leaders who chose resistance rather than business-as-usual decision-making championed by their school districts.
White supremacy and anti-Black racism are foundational aspects of the global social structure, so much so that whiteness has been objectified as a valuable property and Blackness has been considered a deficit (Harris 1993; Lee and Bean 2007). A just society seeks liberation from this racial order, its heartbreak, discontents and inherent unsustainability. Research shows that dialogues are an effective way to bridge racial distances and promote commitment to racial equity (Weinzimmer and Bergdahl 2018). Anchoring to an anti-racist framework, we facilitated nearly seventy "Racial Literacy/Anti-racist Dialogue Sessions" from spring 2020 to winter 2022, involving over 500 participants. Post-participation surveys reveal that these dialogues are an effective way of encouraging anti-racism and transformational practices. However, findings also show that one demographic category in particular, white men, are largely absent from these anti-racist spaces.
A growing body of research has documented the important role of deliberate norm change in prompting institutional reform, including via international courts and advocacy networks. This paper examines advocacy to criminalise ecocide at the international level via an amendment to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. It analyses how advocates are developing and diffusing the content of an emerging norm against ecocide. The analysis shows how their actions depend on three key processes: foregrounding (putting a spotlight on harmful existing norms), innovation (developing a new normative framework), and grafting (linking the innovation to more established norms), and highlights how these processes are embedded in a broader tactic of information politics to persuade publics of the need of a legal solution to effectively address ecocide as an intractable problem. Examining these processes can help solidify our understanding of how norms play a role in efforts to bring about significant change on issues related to environmental conservation and sustainability.
This article briefly examines the history of Australia's economic policy and notes the change from regulation and protection to deregulation and encouragement of competition in the eighties. However new challenges and discontent with some impacts of this policy has seen governments around the world reconsider deregulatory policies and reinstate government intervention into their economic policy. This has included subsidies for domestic industries. The Australian Labor Government has joined this trend with its A Future Made in Australia Policy which proposes substantial capital support for Australian industry. The author then examines and evaluates the specifics of the A Future Made in Australia policy.
At first glance, the UK election of 2024 looks like an unmitigated Labour triumph. With over 400 seats, Labour's victory appears reminiscent of the great 'change' elections of 1945 and 1997. Closer examination suggests that the 2024 result is something of a mirage; a veneer of vast success that in fact hides the deeply split nature of the British electorate. The first-past-the-post voting system has delivered Labour an enormous majority based on barely more than a third of the vote. Whilst determined to reject the Conservatives after fourteen years in office, British voters sent their ballots in myriad directions. Both major parties failed to weave narratives about the future that could capture the imagination of the electorate. Lacking the political storytelling powers of previous leaders, both Keir Starmer and Rishi Sunak were left searching for a narrative capable of knitting together an angry and disillusioned country.
Nonviolent resistance is often met with violent repression by the authorities, and this is due largely to the threat such resistance movements pose to a regime's rule. While suffering repression may invite outrage against the regime and encourage the public to broaden a movement's supporters, it also inevitably raises the participation costs for new participants with a heightened risk of physical harm. In what ways can resistance occur to evade this dilemma while remaining effective in transforming oppressive relations? This paper proposes that such a form of resistance is present at the individual level via acts of interpersonal dialogue. Through a conceptual exploration into power as understood within nonviolent resistance literature as well as in the Foucauldian sense, dialogue can be perceived as an act of nonviolent resistance that operates not on a physical target or social institutions but on the thought process of individuals, seeking to challenge the assumptions and fear within individuals that allow authoritarianism to prosper in a society. This framework of dialogue as nonviolent resistance offers an alternative perspective in the field and possibilities in which nonviolent resistance can be studied through individuals as the units of analysis.
Nuclear power is back on the political agenda as countries work towards net zero by 2050. In Australia, the coalition responded to Labor's clean energy program by proposing the adoption of nuclear power. This article considers whether Australia needs nuclear energy to reach its targets given its abundant sources of clean energy. It differentiates nuclear power from a nuclear industry and analyses the difficulties, timelines and costs governments have to overcome to bring a nuclear power plant online. It concludes that achieving broad community support is particularly important in a democracy.
In the short-term prospects of achieving significant progress at the national level either in recognising the rights of Australia's First Peoples or in devolving power to them seem limited. Against this background it is critical to take full advantage of opportunities that exist at local and state levels to achieve recognition of First Peoples' rights and improve their control over, and access to, public services. I discuss two examples of such opportunities. The first involves the negotiation of recognition and settlement agreements with state governments, an initiative well advanced in Victoria and Western Australia. The second involves negotiation of native title agreements for development projects, happening across Australia. A key feature of both is that they result not from unilateral decisions by electorates comprised overwhelmingly of non- Indigenous people, or of governments elected by these electorates. Rather they emerge from a process of negotiation between First Peoples, State agencies and private corporations. However, national initiatives to fully recognise Indigenous rights continues to be essential to ensure that negotiations can happen on a level playing field.
In this commentary John Kane examines the lead-up to the 2024 US election and argues that the whole system is at a crucial junction with the country enveloped in 'uncertainty and fear'. He argues that this crisis has long been in the making due to crucial weaknesses and contradictions in American society and its political system. He finds there is 'a deeply reactionary tendency' at odds with its 'liberal and progressive ideals'. The weaknesses in the system are scrutinised along with the transformation of the Republican Party from a traditional conservative party to a party dominated by Trump and then considers what next.
The following article considers the implications of the AUKUS security pact for Australia, noting obstacles to implementing the tripartite security alliance involving the deployment of nuclear technology and the expansion of the current US military presence in Australia. The paper argues that the efforts to implement AUKUS in various ways face three fundamental obstacles, thereby challenging Australia's militarisation. The first involves challenges in acquiring a nuclear -propulsion submarine fleet both in terms of constructing a new design and purchasing existing models from the US. The second considers the growing unpopularity of AUKUS and efforts to militarise and garrison Australia as a US satellite. The third considers the complexities and challenges of storing nuclear waste arising from the vessels. To that end, the paper concludes that the objectives of the alliance may prove unworkable on several levels.
