T & uuml;rkiye is among the world's earliest countries to sign an intergovernmental cooperation agreement on the Belt and Road Initiative with China. Nevertheless, viewed against the development of China's relations with Middle Eastern states, the level of China-T & uuml;rkiye relations remains relatively low, confined merely to a 'strategic cooperative relations'. However, based on a profound understanding of the current global landscape, regional order and respective national development, it is both necessary and significant for the two countries to elevate their bilateral relations to a higher level. Furthermore, positive dynamics have emerged in bilateral exchanges in recent years, which greatly facilitate the upgrading of China-T & uuml;rkiye relations, although certain constraints still exist in this process. In a broader sense, the elevation of China-T & uuml;rkiye relations serves as practical evidence that non-Western major powers can transcend institutional, religious and historical differences to build an equal, mutually beneficial strategic relationship.
Since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, the conflict has remained a persistent source of tension in US-T & uuml;rkiye relations despite their NATO alliance. Divergences over Kurdish armed groups, military interventions, and sanctions have entrenched a structural security dilemma. The collapse of the Assad regime in late 2024 marked a critical turning point, prompting T & uuml;rkiye to recalibrate its Syria policy from pursuing regime change to shaping post-conflict order. Concurrently, the re-election of Donald Trump introduced a more transactional diplomatic style, providing new policy coordination space between Washington and Ankara. In the post-Assad context, the two countries have increasingly engaged in issue-based cooperation, particularly in security governance and reconstruction efforts. However, the depth and sustainability of this cooperation remain uncertain, contingent on the interaction between US transactional diplomacy and T & uuml;rkiye's evolving role as a regional geopolitical intermediary.
This article highlights the historical trajectory of relations between the Republic of T & uuml;rkiye and the People's Republic of China. The study demonstrates the periods of rupture during the 20th century and assesses the significance of the post-1971 relations. The research question asks how the direction and nature of T & uuml;rkiye-China relations have been shaping within an evolving multipolar world order. The analysis structured around two core analytical arguments: strategic ambiguity and pragmatic alignment. Strategic ambiguity constrains the deepening of bilateral cooperation due to persistent, albeit implicit, silent mistrust. In contrast, pragmatic alignment enables cooperation, particularly within multilateral frameworks and international organisations. These dynamics of silent mistrust and cooperation extend beyond bilateral relations. The interaction has to be understood within the broader regional and global policy orientations of both countries. The article ultimately argues that strategic ambiguity and pragmatic alignment are interrelated dynamics that simultaneously generate challenges of silent mistrust and opportunities for cooperation.
The influence of T & uuml;rkiye's foreign strategy far exceeds what its national size would normally predict, making it a particularly notable manifestation of strategic autonomy in twenty-first-century international politics. T & uuml;rkiye has put this strategic autonomy into practice in several ways: by pursuing transactional diplomacy to recalibrate relations with its traditional Western allies; applying realist approaches to deepen its involvement in the Syrian crisis; engaging in parallel strategic bargaining with the USA, Europe, and Russia in the Black Sea region; and projecting both hard and soft power beyond the Western world. This paper argues that as the structural factors and systemic environment shaping T & uuml;rkiye's practice of strategic autonomy undergo accelerated change, its foreign strategy will further illuminate how middle powers influence global governance and international politics. More broadly, it points towards a longer-term trajectory marked by the decentralisation of power both internationally and regionally, together with a renewed prominence of realism.
The aim of this study is to examine the general structure of scientific literature produced in the Chinese context and shaped around the Olympic theme using bibliometric methods. To this end, publications retrieved from the Web of Science (WoS) database through a search using the keyword 'Olympic' were analysed. The dataset was created by applying filtering criteria related to the specified time period, country, publication type, language, and subject categories, resulting in a total of 596 publications included in the bibliometric analysis. The study examines the distribution of literature over time, as well as bibliographic links among authors, publications, journals, and institutions, and patterns of keyword co-occurrence. Bibliographic relationships and keyword networks were visualised using VOSviewer software and evaluated through quantitative indicators. The findings indicate that Olympic-themed literature has expanded quantitatively over time and exhibits a multidisciplinary publication structure. Moreover, keyword analyses reveal that environmental, spatial, sporting, and political dimensions are frequently addressed together in the literature. This study outlines the overall structure of scientific literature shaped around the Olympic theme and highlights the structural characteristics of academic production in this field. The results are expected to serve as a reference for future bibliometric and thematic studies.
This study examines the symbolic meanings attributed to the horse in Turkish and Chinese civilisations through a comparative historical analysis. A qualitative methodology is employed, drawing on Turkic oral epics, D & icirc;v & acirc;nu Lug & acirc;ti't-T & uuml;rk, and selected Chinese historiographical sources, with particular reference to the Heavenly Horse (tianma) and horse administration practices (ma zheng). The study aims to analyse the role of the horse as a cultural and symbolic element within differing socio-economic and political contexts. It is found that in Turkish steppe culture, the horse is associated with freedom, mobility, warfare, and collective identity, whereas in Chinese civilisation it is linked to imperial authority, military logistics, and state power, as evidenced by Ferghana horse campaigns. Despite structural differences, the horse is shown to function as a shared symbolic expression of power and legitimacy. It is concluded that the horse operates as a cultural bridge within the historical relationship between Turkish and Chinese civilisations.
The fall of Kabul in 2021 marked a significant turning point in Afghanistan's history, as the Taliban swiftly regained control despite the US and their alliance spending 19 years and millions of dollars. The study explores the global public's perception of Kabul's fall, focusing on concerns about the future and safety of Afghan citizens, women, and minorities, using qualitative descriptive methods on Twitter. Data was collected from Twitter using the search keywords 'Kabul', 'Afghanistan', and 'Taliban' between 1and 30 August 2021, after the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan. A total of 12,617 tweets were collected using the NCapture Tool (a web-browser extension of NVivo software). Researchers analysed tweets on topics like Trump's Doha Agreement, terrorist groups, Afghan forces, refugees, media, and Afghanistan's future. The fall of Kabul raised questions about the Afghan security force, training, weapons, human rights, geopolitical implications, and humanitarian issues, raising global concerns.
The pragmatic orientation adopted by Tunisia's governing party Ennahda from 2011 to 2016 as key political actor has been particularly singled out as an essential factor to have favoured the country's transition. The party was able to compromise in critical moments to open paths for the peaceful settlement of disputes, in contrast to a more sectarian and exclusivist approach many expected of a party with Islamist roots. In this context, this work explores the following research question: what was behind Ennahda's accommodationist strategy? The argument advanced to address this puzzle is based on the literature on party change. From this framework, the article shows that strategic adaptation is an accurate rationale to make sense of Ennahda's governing strategy.
Water diplomacy in the Jordan River Basin is a representative and emblematic example of global water diplomacy dilemmas. The outbreak of the latest Israeli-Palestinian conflict has significantly reshaped the context, agenda, and developmental trajectory of water diplomacy in the basin. Currently, the asymmetric power structure in water diplomacy has shaped divergent objectives and behavioural preferences among actors, thereby forming three distinct practice paradigms: offensive water diplomacy, defensive water diplomacy, and mediatory water diplomacy. Within this specific configuration of water power dynamics and diplomatic practices, internal and external actors in the Jordan River Basin have further engendered four differentiated policy and decision-making models. Collectively, these factors exert considerable influence over the existing pattern and future direction of water diplomacy in the Jordan River Basin.
This study offers a critical re-evaluation of the nation-state as a central framework in Middle Eastern studies, challenging its adequacy in capturing the region's complex socio-political realities. While traditionally seen as the primary lens for analysing political and social dynamics, state-centric approaches often fail to account for the significant roles played by transnational networks, sub-national identities, and non-state actors in shaping the region's trajectory. Drawing on interdisciplinary perspectives from political science, history, sociology, and area studies, this study argues for moving beyond the nation-state paradigm to embrace a more comprehensive research agenda. It highlights the importance of exploring state-society relations, cross-border interactions, and the historical processes that underpin regional developments. By shifting the focus towards these interconnected dimensions, this study seeks to provide a deeper and more nuanced understanding of Middle Eastern societies and their intricate relationships with global political and economic systems, fostering new pathways for research and analysis.
The article describes the evolution of the Euro-Azerbaijan energy diplomacy, focusing the evolution of its energy security policies and their impact on the Southern Caucasus. The paper argues that by looking at how Azerbaijan has used its energy infrastructure and energy security policies towards the European Union (EU), Baku emerges as a smart small states often and often as an emerging middle power that uses the economic shelter determined by the European energy demands to limit normative interferences. Applying the shelter-theory on a small state's foreign policy, the analysis confirms that Azerbaijan shapes its energy interdependence with the EU to enhance foreign policy autonomy.
Until the 25 January Revolution of 2011, T & uuml;rkiye's foreign policy towards Egypt largely followed the same line as that of the Western world, but this changed in the wake of the revolution. The conservative government in T & uuml;rkiye played a decisive role in this shift. In 2012, the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan) rose to power in Egypt. T & uuml;rkiye pursued a different policy from many other actors and established extremely positive relations with the Ikhwan. Following the ousting of the Ikhwan from power, T & uuml;rkiye adopted a highly critical stance towards the new administration and maintained limited diplomatic relations with it for a long period. However, in the 2020s, a return to a more traditional stance in policy towards Egypt was observed. Unlike many other studies, this work analyses the subject within a theoretical framework and argues that the fluctuations in T & uuml;rkiye's foreign policy towards Egypt during this period can only be explained from a neoclassical realist perspective.
This article examines the adaptation strategies and challenges of Afghans in Iran, which hosts over three million Afghans across diverse legal, economic, and social contexts. Based on survey data from more than two thousand Afghan respondents-refugees, legally authorised migrants, and undocumented individuals-supplemented by field observations, the study identifies differentiated and constrained adaptation trajectories, with particular attention to the role of Afghans' digital interaction. Afghan adaptation in Iran is shaped by tensions between individual agency, restrictive institutional frameworks, and societal structures. While some Afghans seek assimilation or integration, barriers imposed by Iranian authorities and host-society resistance largely impede this. Many respond through strategies of spatial separation grounded in strong Afghan identity affiliations and reinforced by digitally mediated ties with Afghanistan and co-nationals. Undocumented unemployed Afghans face the greatest risk of marginalisation, exacerbated by Iran's economic decline and the pre- to post-pandemic crises. Adaptation is a stratified and dynamic process shaped by legal status, economic precarity, and digital practices.
The Israel-Hamas conflict has caused severe humanitarian harm: over 70,000 deaths, 1.7 million displaced, and roughly 400 healthcare facilities damaged. This study examines the United Kingdom's arms export regime and asks to what extent UK exports perpetuate or resolve the conflict. Drawing on Realism and Liberalism, and using qualitative thematic analysis of official documents, licencing data, investigative reports and scholarly literature, it traces how UK industrial inputs and licencing patterns translate into operational capabilities. Findings show that, despite low transfer-value shares, UK-origin high-leverage components embedded in aircraft, munitions and surveillance systems materially enhanced Israeli operational endurance and precision, with forensic evidence linking such components to specific high-casualty strikes. The paper concludes that UK exports have contributed to the conflict's intensity and attendant humanitarian law concerns. It recommends improved transparency, independent auditing of high-impact licences, and strengthened traceability of critical components to better align export practice with humanitarian obligations, urgently required.
The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) is envisioned as a transformative connectivity initiative linking Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. Yet its implementation is constrained by geopolitical rivalries, institutional fragmentation, and shifting regional alignments. This paper examines IMEC through a geoeconomic and institutional lens, asking how regional power dynamics and institutional configurations shape its feasibility, structure, and viability. Using a corridor politics framework, IMEC is conceptualized merely as a trade route but as a contested geopolitical space where infrastructure, power, and strategic interests intersect. The analysis highlights challenges, including the Gaza conflict, Syria's instability, Iran's opposition, and Turkey's counter-projects, all of which weaken regional coherence. It explores the Gulf's dual role as facilitator and fragmenter, with Saudi Arabia and the UAE driving the initiative while others remain marginal. Ultimately, the paper argues that IMEC's future depends on resolving strategic asymmetries and forging institutional consensus, making its prospects uncertain consequential globally.
Holding companies in the Gulf region serve as pivotal players in advancing the economic and political interests of Gulf countries. With the Asia-Pacific evolving as a global economic centre, the role of holding companies has grown increasingly crucial. The intensifying great power competition in the Asia-Pacific, presents both opportunities and challenges for Gulf holding companies. This study explores the tactics these businesses use to manage intricate regional dynamics and build business relationships when negotiating new trade routes and online marketplaces. Holding companies play an important role in linking national development goals to international investment flows. Their actions are indicative of Gulf governments' larger attempts to establish a powerful and sustainable presence in the world economy. As an example of the enormous economic strength of these companies, the study contains a comprehensive financial analysis of EMAAR, one of Dubai holding's several subsidiaries, to demonstrate their size and domination.
This paper examines the process of diversification of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries as a response to the changed domestic and international situation propelling them to reinvent their relationships with countries and regional blocs in the Asia-Pacific and beyond. The paper refers to the growing significance of the Asia-Pacific region and the power competition therein. The paper aims to reflect on the position of Gulf countries with a focus on GCC countries and examine their efforts towards active regional diplomacy as they define their bilateral and multilateral arrangements in the midst of the interest and rivalry of the Great Powers while maintaining regional balance through self-initiatives, strengthening ties with countries in Asia-Pacific with 'shared interests' like India, China, Japan, and South Korea as they rebalance their exchanges. The paper will also explore the dimension of Gulf's maritime connections to facilitate coordination with other countries in the Asia-Pacific region.
The importance of chokepoints for countries largely depends on the share of their imports and exports that transit through them. For such countries, an alternative supply route becomes equally important, particularly in times of conflict when chokepoints could be weaponised for geopolitical and geo-economic ends. Of the seven most important maritime chokepoints that are crucial for international trade, four are situated in the Asia Pacific region- Strait of Hormuz, Bab-el Mandeb Strait, Straits of Malacca and Singapore, and the Suez Canal. In the recent past, crises like the COVID pandemic, the Russo-Ukrainian war and the Israel-Palestine conflict have laid bare the fragility of the supply chains highlighted the impact on prices of essential commodities like food and energy. Countries across the world are affected by these events, but some more than others. The GCC countries import approximately 85 percent of their food needs and are one of the major fossil fuel exporters in the world. The lack of arable land, scarce water supply, a growing population and climate change threats have all contributed to food insecurity in the GCC countries. The impact of food inflation on the GCC countries has been a significant one, and, unlike elsewhere in the world, accessibility more than affordability poses a challenge to these countries. Diversification of food import sources has been a priority for the GCC and there has been an uptick in food imports from India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, amongst other countries in the larger context of the Asia-Pacific region.
This study examines the evolving trade interdependence between China and Middle Eastern countries through the lens of Global Value Chains (GVCs). The findings show distinct patterns of bilateral GVC dependence. Since the 2008 global financial crisis, China's GVC reliance on the Middle East has declined across most industries, with capital-intensive and medium-technology manufacturing remaining key areas of linkage. In contrast, the Middle East has seen a rise in its GVC dependence on China, especially in capital-intensive and knowledge-intensive sectors. After the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, these shifts accelerated: the region's reliance on Chinese value-added exports expanded, while the decline in China's dependence began to stabilise. These trends reflect the differentiated roles of the two sides within global production networks-China as a comprehensive manufacturing hub and the Middle East as an energy supplier and growing importer of Chinese industrial and technological goods.
