Politics and Policy

ABSTRACT China's reentry into Africa in the late 1990s and early 2000s coincided with the rise of new public diplomacy, leading to increased African‐related content and accessibility in China's cyberspace. Thus, this study explores the nature of African‐related content in China's cyberspace and social media to explain how the Chinese public perceives Africans and constructs its image of reality about Africa. The study undertook a cybernography (ethnography over the Internet) and a systematic content analysis of 716 African‐related videos purposively selected from two Chinese social media applications—Douyin and Youku. It finds that Chinese non‐state actors in Africa have exploited new public diplomacy to make large volumes of distorted African‐related videos available in China's cyberspace. The analysis finds that this exploitation—sometimes with indirect passive government and state institutions endorsement—has constructed and reinforced stereotypical and discriminatory images of Africans in China. I base the theoretical argument on the new public diplomacy framework. Related Articles Ameyaw‐Brobbey, Thomas. 2024. “The Media in China–Africa Public Relations: Assessing China’s Attractiveness beyond Economic Development Assistance.” Politics & Policy 52(3): 551‐572. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12596 . Huang, Xiurong, & Nnamdi C. Nduneseokwu. 2026. “Navigating the U.S.‐China Rivalry: African Leaders’ Perspectives on China’s Non‐Western Economic Engagement in Africa.” Politics & Policy 54(1): e70113. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70113 . Otele, Oscar M., & Winnie V. Mitullah. 2025. “The Institutional Dynamics of International Development Cooperation and China’s Aid in Africa.” Politics & Policy 53(1): e70015. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70015 .

ABSTRACT Previous valuable scholarship has examined how numerous political, economic, and social factors affect homicide rates. However, we do not understand how the character of public administration institutions and the equality of access to public services affect homicide rates. Thus, this study examines the relationship between bias in public administration institutions, equality of access to public services, and intentional homicide rates in 142 countries from various levels of development in Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, and North America from 1991 to 2021. The results indicate that more biased public administration institutions and less equal access to public services are associated with higher homicide rates. In addition, through conducting a mediation analysis, we find that more biased public administration institutions are associated with greater wealth inequality and higher homicide rates. These results have important implications in considering how the character of public administration institutions and the equality of access to public services affect homicide rates globally. Related Articles Acosta‐González, Nicolás, & Nataly Posso‐Naranjo. 2025. “Crime and Recidivism in Ecuador.” Politics & Policy 53(2): e70030. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70030 . Mitchell, Joshua L., & Adam M. Butz. 2019. “Social Control Meets New Public Management: Examining the Diffusion of State Prison Privatization, 1979–2010.” Politics & Policy 47(3): 506–544. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12309 . Butz, Adam M., Michael P. Fix, and Joshua L. Mitchell. 2005. “Policy Learning and the Diffusion of Stand‐Your‐Ground Laws.” Politics & Policy 43(3): 347–377. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12116 .

ABSTRACT We theorize the notion of “fear of domination” and argue that people rely on a series of realist heuristics to gauge their support for an IO. Based on realist thinking, we hypothesize that individuals are less likely to support IOs that are subject to domination or manipulation. We identify five different aspects that describe whether an IO could fall prey to the dominance of a single actor. We fielded a conjoint survey experiment through Amazon Mechanical Turk in December 2020. The analysis supports the theory of fear of domination, and it shows that Americans are far less likely to support IOs that are mainly funded by China in comparison to those funded mainly by the EU or equally by all member states. Americans also prefer IOs where decisions are made via majoritarian rule, IOs that are focused on specific issue areas, and IOs where the US has made financial contributions. Related Articles Scheetz, Emma, & David Carter. 2026. “Channeling Action: How Civic Recreation Organizations Shape Civic Capacity and Engagement.” Politics & Policy 54 (4): e70161. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70161 . Nisley, Thomas Jay. 2025. “The Peace Corps and the Popular Perception of the United States in Africa.” Politics & Policy 53 (6): 370101. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70101 . Hoffmann, Marta. 2024. “The Power of WHO Epistemic Communities: The “Tobacco Epidemic” as Construct.” Politics & Policy 52 (3): 520–550. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12602 .

Instrument-centered policy design has refined the study of tools, policy mixes, sequencing, coherence, and delivery. This article argues, however, that this strand of scholarship has developed richer vocabularies for conflict around instruments and implementation than for the political constitution, prioritization, and provisional stabilization of collective purpose. Through a conceptual reconstruction of policy design in conversation with agenda-setting, problem definition, governance, public value, and policy feedback scholarship, the article identifies an analytical asymmetry in how different locations of political conflict are theorized. It makes three contributions. First, it conceptualizes conflict displacement: the recurrent recoding of unresolved purposive conflict into managerial categories such as coordination, implementation, coherence, and performance. Second, it repositions agendas as a key unit of political design linking purpose, instruments, and delivery. Third, it distinguishes purposive coherence from delivery coherence. The article thus offers a framework for diagnosing where policy instability originates.

ABSTRACT The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) has been used extensively to study policy processes globally. Existing research, however, fails to sequence the combination of factors that influence policy change. Using theory‐testing process tracing and a within‐case study design focused on Ghana and Nigeria, we address these knowledge gaps by answering the research question: How does the interaction between external and internal shocks, and the sequence of subsystem internal dynamics, lead to major policy change? The data were collected from 40 interviews and over 600 news media articles spanning 30 years. We find that initial triggers comprising the oil discovery in Ghana and regime change in Nigeria influenced dynamic factors, such as coalition formation and policy‐oriented learning, leading to policy change. We propose a tripartite scheme for analyzing policy change: initial triggers (external and internal shocks), sequence of factors (subsystem internal dynamics), and outcome (major policy change). Related Articles Nam, Aerang, & Christopher M. Weible. 2023. “Examining Experts' Discourse in South Korea's Nuclear Power Policy Making: An Advocacy Coalition Framework Approach to Policy Knowledge.” Politics & Policy 51(2): 201–221. 10.1111/polp.12522 . Nwalie, Martin Ike. 2019. “Advocacy Coalition Framework and Policy Changes in a Third‐World Country.” Politics & Policy 47(3): 545–568. 10.1111/polp.12302 . Bandelow, Nils C., Johanna Hornung, & Sofie Klingner. 2025. “A Multidimensional Operationalization of Policy Change.” Politics & Policy 53(5): e70073. 10.1111/polp.70073 .

ABSTRACT Since Germany's passage of the Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG) in 2017, a growing number of countries have introduced online harms legislation requiring internet intermediaries to remove or address harmful or illegal content. Arguments about Germany's influence on other jurisdictions have relied on an undertheorized notion of policy transfer. We use a multiple streams framework to distinguish two mechanisms of policy transfer: emulation and lesson‐drawing. We then examine the policy processes behind online harms legislation in four liberal democracies (Germany, Australia, the United Kingdom, and Canada). Our findings reveal lesson‐drawing as the primary mechanism: cross‐jurisdictional influence shaped how policy problems and solutions were defined, whereas the politics stream was driven by domestic politics. Lesson‐drawing among liberal democracies should be distinguished from a form of emulation by illiberal states that we call policy camouflage . Understanding these mechanisms is critical for evaluating different approaches to online harms and internet regulation more generally. Related Article Meireles, A.V. 2024. “Digital Rights in Perspective: The Evolution of the Debate in the Internet Governance Forum.” Politics & Policy 52, no. 1: 12–32. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12571 . Robles, P. and Mallinson, D.J. 2023. “Catching Up with AI: Pushing Toward a Cohesive Governance Framework.” Politics & Policy 51, no. 3: 355–72. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12529 . Manica, L., Damásio, B. and Mendonça, S. 2026. “Institutional Legacies and Governance Models: A Comparative Study of Broadband State Aid in Europe.” Politics & Policy 53, no. 5: e70069. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70069 .

This review article analyzes two pertinent and related works by Marcel Dirsus, How Tyrants Fall, and Hal Brands, The Eurasian Century, to investigate how contemporary authoritarian governments utilize technology to portray an image of stability while obscuring internal vulnerabilities. Dirsus analyzes the inherent mechanisms of autocratic failure, highlighting elite fragmentation and the illusory characteristics of algorithmic governance. Brands expands the perspective to examine how digital authoritarianism transforms global geopolitics, especially throughout the Eurasian landmass. The works collectively demonstrate how technological instruments augment domestic oppression and global power, while simultaneously revealing new weaknesses for regimes. The essay argues that although surveillance and digital manipulation offer temporary control, they ultimately compromise adaptability and legitimacy over time. The perception of technological omnipotence may ultimately catalyze the decline of authoritarianism.

ABSTRACT Welfare chauvinism, the support for a strong welfare state provided that eligibility is restricted to the native‐born, is a widely studied concept in the literature on the European welfare state. While the study of welfare politics in the US has begun to incorporate immigration as a key factor in welfare attitudes, it has not considered the complete welfare chauvinism pattern including enhanced support for social programs that exclude immigrants from eligibility. Using a pre‐registered survey experiment fielded on the 2023 Cooperative Election Study, I test for welfare chauvinism in support for hypothetical congressional candidates. Contrary to the welfare chauvinism hypotheses, support for both expanded welfare benefits and immigrant eligibility restrictions did not have a synergistic effect on candidate support among respondents in general, among less educated respondents, or among ideological conservatives. I find much stronger support for a hypothesis based on traditional “left–right” ideology. Related Articles Wagle, U. R. 2013. “The Heterogeneity Politics of the Welfare State: Changing Population Heterogeneity and Welfare State Policies in High‐Income OECD Countries, 1980‐2005.” Politics & Policy 41, no. 6: 947–984. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12053 . Butz, A. M. and J. E Kehrberg. 2015. “Social Distrust and Immigrant Access to Welfare Programs in the American States.” Politics & Policy 43, no. 2: 256–286. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12115 . Luypaert, A. and P. Thijssen. 2024. “The Comparative Politics of Solidarity: Political Party Discourse across Three Welfare State Regimes.” Politics & Policy 52, no. 5: 935–962. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12625 .

Ethiopia's 2018 political opening was widely interpreted as a historic democratic breakthrough, yet the subsequent trajectory revealed deeper structural crises rooted in contested statehood, fragmented national identity, and institutional fragility. Drawing on historical institutionalism, theories of democratization, and frameworks of power and state-building, the article argues that Ethiopia's 2018 transition unfolded without the foundational consensus for democratic consolidation. The modern Ethiopian state, shaped by the expansion of state authority and the uneven incorporation of diverse populations, produced competing narratives of belonging that ethnic federalism both recognized and entrenched. Although early reforms expanded political participation, they lacked institutional safeguards to manage heightened mobilization, enabling rival elites to advance maximalist claims. The erosion of performance-based legitimacy, rising ethnic polarization, and the eruption of deadly conflicts in various regions underscore the limits of liberalization in a deeply divided society. Democratization in Ethiopia thus remains untenable without a renegotiated political settlement balancing autonomy and national unity.Related Articles Ondoua Beyene, Blaise, Thierry Mamadou Asngar, Bruno Emmanuel Ongo Nkoa, Prisca Koncy Fossoa, and Cyrille Bergali Kamdem. 2025. "Cultural Diffusion and Democracy: What Lessons in Sub-Saharan Africa's Experience?" Politics & Policy 53(1): e70012. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70012. La apertura pol & iacute;tica de Etiop & iacute;a en 2018 fue ampliamente interpretada como un avance democr & aacute;tico hist & oacute;rico. Sin embargo, la trayectoria posterior revel & oacute; crisis estructurales m & aacute;s profundas, arraigadas en la disputa por la condici & oacute;n de Estado, la fragmentaci & oacute;n de la identidad nacional y la fragilidad institucional. Bas & aacute;ndose en el institucionalismo hist & oacute;rico, las teor & iacute;as de la democratizaci & oacute;n y los marcos de poder y construcci & oacute;n del Estado, el art & iacute;culo argumenta que la transici & oacute;n de Etiop & iacute;a en 2018 se desarroll & oacute; sin el consenso fundacional para la consolidaci & oacute;n democr & aacute;tica. El Estado et & iacute;ope moderno, moldeado por la expansi & oacute;n de la autoridad estatal y la incorporaci & oacute;n desigual de poblaciones diversas, gener & oacute; narrativas de pertenencia contrapuestas que el federalismo & eacute;tnico reconoci & oacute; y afianz & oacute;. Si bien las primeras reformas ampliaron la participaci & oacute;n pol & iacute;tica, carecieron de las garant & iacute;as institucionales necesarias para gestionar una mayor movilizaci & oacute;n, lo que permiti & oacute; a las & eacute;lites rivales presentar reivindicaciones maximalistas. La erosi & oacute;n de la legitimidad basada en el rendimiento, la creciente polarizaci & oacute;n & eacute;tnica y el estallido de conflictos mort & iacute;feros en diversas regiones ponen de relieve los l & iacute;mites de la liberalizaci & oacute;n en una sociedad profundamente dividida. Por lo tanto, la democratizaci & oacute;n en Etiop & iacute;a sigue siendo insostenible sin un acuerdo pol & iacute;tico renegociado que equilibre la autonom & iacute;a y la unidad nacional. 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ABSTRACT This article examines rare earth elements (REEs), minerals declared essential for U.S. economic and national security which are used extensively across the defense and commercial sectors. Concerningly, REE disruptions ‘could exhaust U.S. stocks in less than 90 days’. Given China's recent REE restrictions towards the U.S., this paper uses securitization theory to examine REE policies in both countries with qualitative case studies. While securitization efforts are prominent in both foreign and domestic policies, “adaptation is not as urgent a policy as would be expected from the logic of securitization”. China recognized the strategic implications of REEs and adapted, creating a monopoly, while the U.S. has not utilized urgency in its securitization or adaptation measures, prioritizing domestic legislation and adjudication in international organizations. This substantial reliance on China and the relatively slow U.S. bureaucratic response resulted in a limited effectiveness for securitizing critical resources. Related Articles Kong, Linggong. 2025. “A Study on the Formulation of the Biden Administration's Semiconductor Policy Toward China Through the Lens of the Multiple Streams Framework (MSF).” Politics & Policy 53(6): e70106. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70106 . Antwi‐Boateng, Osman, and Mamudu Abunga Akudugu. 2020. “Golden Migrants: The Rise and Impact of Illegal Chinese Small‐Scale Mining in Ghana.” Politics & Policy 48(1): 135‐167. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12342 . Duggan, Niall. 2020. “China—The Champion of the Developing World: A Study of China's new Development Model and its Role in Changing Global Economic Governance.” Politics & Policy 48(5): 836‐858. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12377 .

ABSTRACT In the 2023 November election, Ohioans voted in favor of Issue 2—the Marijuana Legalization Initiative. The successful passing of this initiative at the ballot box made Ohio the 24th state and largest Republican voting state to adopt a recreational adult‐use marijuana policy. Issue 2 was voted in favor of by a margin of 57% to 43%. Support across Ohio counties varied, ranging from a high of 70% to a low of 31%. This paper investigates what factors account for these disparities in support for the legalization of recreational marijuana in Ohio. We explore the usual partisan and cultural explanations and consider two unexplored hypotheses. First, we find a positive relationship between the county‐level number of medical marijuana dispensaries and county‐level support for the legalization of recreational adult‐use marijuana. Second, we find that as the county‐level overdose rate increased, county‐level support for the legalization of recreational use of marijuana increased at first but then fell after a certain threshold. Related Articles Branton, R., and Ronald J. McGauvran. 2018. “Mary Jane Rocks the Vote: The Impact of Climate Context on Support for Cannabis Initiatives.” Politics & Policy 46, no. 2: 209–32. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12248 . Brekken, K. C., and Vanessa M. F. 2020. “Part of the Narrative: Generic News Frames in the U.S. Recreational Marijuana Policy Subsystem.” Politics & Policy 49, no. 1: 6–32. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12388 . Fisk, J. M., Joseph A. V., and Davis E. 2018. “Pot'reneurial Politics: The Budgetary Highs and Lows of Recreational Marijuana Policy Innovation.” Politics & Policy 46, no. 2: 189–208. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12246 .

ABSTRACT In Brazil, legislative control conditions regulatory agencies' rulemaking through substantive limits, procedural requirements, and ex post review. Drawing on legal analysis and documentary evidence, this article maps these mechanisms through a differentiated framework that combines legislative oversight scholarship, historical institutionalism, Marxist state theory, and Marxist Dependency Theory. It argues that, under dependent capitalism, legislative oversight is not merely a technical correction for bureaucratic drift, but a strategic response to a structural “double pressure”: the need to sustain external credibility while managing domestic legitimacy crises. The result is a critical typology that specifies how distinct legislative coalitions activate material, procedural, and ex post controls. Rather than treating Brazil as an isolated case, the article offers an analytical basis for comparison across regulatory states in the Global South and clarifies the limits of democratic accountability in peripheral economies. Related Articles Aboelwafa, Tarek, and Abdulfattah Yaghi. 2024. “Parliamentary Questions, Institutional Change, and Legislative Oversight in a Non‐Western Context.” Politics & Policy 52(2): 365–383. 10.1111/polp.12593 . Alves, Daniel H. 2025. “Elections, Coalitions, and the Politics of Brazil's Macroeconomic Stabilization.” Politics & Policy 52(6): 1227–1245. 10.1111/polp.12637 . Kostadinova, Tatiana, and Milena I. Neshkova. 2025. “Personalist Leadership and Corruption: Evidence From Third Wave Democracies.” Politics & Policy 53(4): e70056. 10.1111/polp.70056 .

Myanmar has been fragmented into a prolonged civil war following the coup in February 2021, posing a challenge to India's security and strategic interests. This study employs a theoretical policy analysis framework to examine India's approach to Myanmar's post-coup political landscape. Concerns about border security, connectivity projects, and Beijing's influence have led New Delhi to prioritize engagement with the military regime as the legitimate authority despite widespread international condemnation. However, this framework has proved counterproductive due to the opposition forces' large territorial control, particularly by the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) in key connectivity corridors. This study argues that India's traditional hedging policy in Myanmar, once considered a form of strategic flexibility, has now become a form of strategic paralysis. This study suggests that engagement with the opposition has become a strategic necessity for India and accordingly provides three policy recommendations: diversifying engagement, engaging with KIA, and expanding informal engagement.Related Articles Harel-Shalev, A. 2009. "Lingual and Educational Policy toward 'Homeland Minorities' in Deeply Divided Societies: India and Israel as Case Studies." Politics & Policy 37, no. 5: 951-70. http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2009.00206.x/abstract. (sic)(sic)(sic)2021(sic)2(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(EAO)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic):(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(KIA)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). Myanmar se ha visto fragmentado por una prolongada guerra civil tras el golpe de Estado de febrero de 2021, lo que plantea un desaf & iacute;o para la seguridad y los intereses estrat & eacute;gicos de la India. Este estudio emplea un marco te & oacute;rico de an & aacute;lisis de pol & iacute;ticas para examinar el enfoque de la India ante el panorama pol & iacute;tico de Myanmar posterior al golpe. Las preocupaciones en torno a la seguridad fronteriza, los proyectos de conectividad y la influencia de Pek & iacute;n han llevado a Nueva Delhi a priorizar el di & aacute;logo con el r & eacute;gimen militar, reconoci & eacute;ndolo como la autoridad leg & iacute;tima, a pesar de la condena internacional generalizada. Sin embargo, este enfoque ha resultado contraproducente debido al amplio control territorial ejercido por las fuerzas de la oposici & oacute;n-en particular por las Organizaciones Armadas & Eacute;tnicas (EAO)-en corredores de conectividad clave. Este estudio sostiene que la tradicional pol & iacute;tica de cobertura (hedging) de la India en Myanmar-considerada en su momento una forma de flexibilidad estrat & eacute;gica-se ha transformado ahora en una forma de par & aacute;lisis estrat & eacute;gica. El estudio sugiere que el acercamiento a la oposici & oacute;n se ha convertido en una necesidad estrat & eacute;gica para la India y, en consecuencia, formula tres recomendaciones de pol & iacute;tica: diversificar el di & aacute;logo, establecer contacto con el KIA y ampliar las interacciones informales.

ABSTRACT The study analyzes the role of international mediators in resolving contemporary conflicts in the post‐Soviet space, Central Asia, and the Middle East. The purpose of this research is to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the effectiveness of various strategies of international mediation in the context of an evolving geopolitical landscape. The study examines the theoretical foundations and contemporary approaches to international mediation, exploring various mediation models, including the facilitative, evaluative, transformative, and narrative models. Particular attention is given to assessing the effectiveness of mediation efforts in conflicts such as Nagorno‐Karabakh, Syria, and Russia‐Ukraine. The findings reveal a significant evolution in mediation approaches, shifting from traditional models of neutral mediation towards more comprehensive strategies. The study underscores the critical role of cultural context and the necessity of considering historical factors when formulating conflict resolution strategies. The research highlights the need to develop adaptive approaches to international mediation to effectively address the challenges of complex geopolitical situations. Related Articles Ben‐Meir, A. 2023. “Psychological Impediments are at the Core of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict.” Politics & Policy 51, no. 3: 488–503. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12535 . Macaulay, C. 2022. “Conflict Settlement and Identity in Territorial Claims.” Politics & Policy 50, no. 6: 1155–1176. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12493 . Tusalem, R. F. 2015. “Ethnic Minority Governments, Democracy, and Human Rights.” Politics & Policy 43, no. 4: 502–537. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12125 .

Petitioning parliament has seen a revival in popularity thanks to modern-day technology and social media. Over 10 years on from its inception in 2015, the UK Government and Parliament system in the United Kingdom has received tens of thousands of petitions signed by millions of people. Despite the popularity of e-petitions, little is understood about both the qualitative motivations of petitioners and the wider campaigning benefits that arise from using them in terms of wider democratic "goods" and policy outcomes. This article addresses this gap by asking why petitioners began their campaign in the first place, how they campaigned and what outcomes they achieved based upon nine case study e-petitions submitted in the 2019-2024 Parliament. In doing so it provides empirical knowledge about the strategies petitioners employ to influence policy making processes and where democratic value is "added" by using a system that has formal ties to the representative institution.Related Articles Veloso Meireles, Adriana. 2024. "Digital Rights in Perspective: The Evolution of the Debate in the Internet Governance Forum." Politics & Policy 52(1): 12-32. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12571. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), "(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)2015(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)2019-2024(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). La presentaci & oacute;n de peticiones al parlamento ha experimentado un resurgimiento gracias a la tecnolog & iacute;a moderna y las redes sociales. M & aacute;s de diez a & ntilde;os despu & eacute;s de su creaci & oacute;n en 2015, el sistema parlamentario y gubernamental del Reino Unido ha recibido decenas de miles de peticiones firmadas por millones de personas. A pesar de la popularidad de las peticiones electr & oacute;nicas, se sabe poco sobre las motivaciones cualitativas de quienes las presentan y los beneficios m & aacute;s amplios que se derivan de su uso en t & eacute;rminos de bienestar democr & aacute;tico y resultados pol & iacute;ticos. Este art & iacute;culo aborda esta laguna analizando por qu & eacute; los peticionarios iniciaron su campa & ntilde;a, c & oacute;mo la llevaron a cabo y qu & eacute; resultados obtuvieron, bas & aacute;ndose en nueve casos de peticiones electr & oacute;nicas presentadas en el Parlamento 2019-2024. De este modo, se aporta conocimiento emp & iacute;rico sobre las estrategias que emplean los peticionarios para influir en los procesos de formulaci & oacute;n de pol & iacute;ticas y sobre el valor democr & aacute;tico que se genera al utilizar un sistema con v & iacute;nculos formales con la instituci & oacute;n representativa.

ABSTRACT The Environmental Protection Agency has established emission standards for engines and vehicles under the Clean Air Act, to protect air quality and regulate engine emissions. Despite these federal emission standards, variation exists in local government adoption of vehicle emission inspection requirements across U.S. counties. This study investigates why some local governments implement stringent emission standards beyond federal compliance while others do not. Using a county‐level dataset ( N = 3107) and logistic regression analysis, we test an internal determinants model examining how problem severity, economic conditions, and political climate influence policy adoption decisions. We find that counties experiencing poorer air quality demonstrate significantly greater likelihood of adopting and implementing stringent inspection requirements, while higher per capita income consistently predicts greater probability in inspection requirements across all models. In contrast, political variables such as partisan voting patterns and education levels show limited explanatory power, suggesting that ideological considerations are less influential than practical economic and environmental factors in shaping local environmental policy decisions. Our findings contribute to the literature on environmental policy adoption by demonstrating that local decisions are shaped more by economic capacity and perceived environmental risks than by ideological factors. Related Articles Hedegaard, T. F., and K. Kongshøj. 2024. “Carbon Tax Revenues and How to Spend Them: Danes' Attitudes Toward Revenue Recycling.” Politics & Policy 52, no. 5: 992–1012. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12619 . Joo, J., J. Paavola, and J. Van Alstine. 2023. “The Divergence of South Korea's Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) From the EU ETS: An Institutional Complementarity View.” Politics & Policy 51, no. 6: 1155–1173. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12566 . Wagher, T., and J. Mitchell. 2026. “The Conditions for Emissions: Exploring the Dynamics of Carbon Policy Emissions Across the United States.” Politics & Policy 54(2): e70130. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70130 .

This article critically examines the enduring West-centric and state-centric nature of terrorism scholarship and counterterrorism strategies in Bangladesh, which perpetuate the Islam-terrorism discourse while neglecting the country's unique socio-political context. Drawing on postcolonial theory and Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS), the research adduces how existing frameworks prioritize state security and external narratives, overlooking critical local factors such as political manipulation, socio-economic disparities, and historical legacies. Bangladesh's terrorism scholarship and counterterrorism strategies, heavily influenced by Western models, often reinforce these limitations by focusing narrowly on immediate security threats and ideological concerns. This approach sidelines deeper structural issues that drive radicalization, such as governance challenges and socio-political grievances. The article argues for a rethinking of terrorism scholarship in Bangladesh through the integration of postcolonial perspectives. This approach deconstructs the colonial underpinnings of key concepts like "radicalization" and "extremism," offering a more nuanced understanding of the interplay between local and global factors in shaping extremism. By addressing these gaps, the study advocates for counterterrorism strategies that are both contextually relevant and effective in mitigating the complex drivers of radicalization. Ultimately, this research contributes to a broader and more inclusive discourse on terrorism, providing critical insights for addressing extremism in the Global South.Related Articles Mostofa, Shafi Md. 2017. "Prison Radicalization: A Persisting Threat for Bangladesh." Politics and Policy 52(3): 655-669. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12605. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(CTS)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). Este art & iacute;culo examina cr & iacute;ticamente la persistente naturaleza centrada en Occidente y en el Estado que caracteriza a los estudios sobre terrorismo y a las estrategias de contraterrorismo en Bangladesh; un enfoque que perpet & uacute;a el discurso de vinculaci & oacute;n entre el islam y el terrorismo, al tiempo que desatiende el singular contexto sociopol & iacute;tico del pa & iacute;s. Bas & aacute;ndose en la teor & iacute;a poscolonial y en los Estudios Cr & iacute;ticos sobre el Terrorismo (CTS, por sus siglas en ingl & eacute;s), la investigaci & oacute;n demuestra c & oacute;mo los marcos te & oacute;ricos existentes priorizan la seguridad del Estado y las narrativas externas, pasando por alto factores locales cruciales tales como la manipulaci & oacute;n pol & iacute;tica, las disparidades socioecon & oacute;micas y los legados hist & oacute;ricos. Los estudios sobre terrorismo y las estrategias de contraterrorismo en Bangladesh-fuertemente influenciados por modelos occidentales-a menudo refuerzan estas limitaciones al centrarse de manera restrictiva en las amenazas de seguridad inmediatas y en las preocupaciones de & iacute;ndole ideol & oacute;gica. Este enfoque relega a un segundo plano las cuestiones estructurales m & aacute;s profundas que impulsan la radicalizaci & oacute;n, tales como los desaf & iacute;os en materia de gobernanza y los agravios sociopol & iacute;ticos. El art & iacute;culo aboga por un replanteamiento de los estudios sobre terrorismo en Bangladesh mediante la integraci & oacute;n de perspectivas poscoloniales. Dicho enfoque deconstruye los fundamentos coloniales de conceptos clave como & laquo;radicalizaci & oacute;n & raquo; y & laquo;extremismo & raquo;, ofreciendo una comprensi & oacute;n m & aacute;s matizada de la interacci & oacute;n entre los factores locales y globales en la configuraci & oacute;n del extremismo. Al abordar estas lagunas, el estudio propugna la adopci & oacute;n de estrategias de contraterrorismo que sean, simult & aacute;neamente, pertinentes al contexto y eficaces para mitigar los complejos factores que impulsan la radicalizaci & oacute;n. En & uacute;ltima instancia, esta investigaci & oacute;n contribuye a forjar un discurso m & aacute;s amplio e inclusivo sobre el terrorismo, aportando reflexiones cr & iacute;ticas para el abordaje del extremismo en el Sur Global.

The Great Depression was a turning point in the development of social programming in North America. This paper explores the politics of social policy expansion during the Great Depression in the United States and Canada through an analytical lens that combines the insights of historical institutionalism and the analysis of transnational processes. Thus, the paper focuses on the differences between these two cases as distinct entities as well as how they were shaped by, and influenced one another through, transnational processes. This combination of historical institutionalism and close attention to transnational processes adds insight to the existing scholarship on the politics of welfare state development that tends to prioritize one perspective over the other. Empirically, the paper compares these politics in two discrete social policy areas: old-age pensions and unemployment insurance. The puzzle tackled is the following: why did the U.S. federal government create new programs in these areas during the 1930s, while Canada did not; and, simultaneously, how did these U.S. policy developments influence Canada during and beyond that decade alongside other transnational trends and processes? As argued, the distinct timing and pace of reform and the role of courts explain why Canada did not implement major public pension and unemployment programs during the Great Depression. This contrasts with the U.S., where the advent of the New Deal led to the creation of a federal pension program and a decentralized system of unemployment insurance. Over time, these policy innovations impacted welfare state development in Canada through transnational influence.Related Articles B & eacute;land, Daniel, Marchildon, Gregory P., Medrano, Anahely, Rocco, Philip. 2024. "Policy Feedback, Varieties of Federalism, and the Politics of Health-Care Funding in the United States, Mexico, and Canada." Politics & Policy 52(1): 51-69. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12575. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)--(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)--(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic):(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)20(sic)(sic)30(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)?(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)?(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). La Gran Depresi & oacute;n marc & oacute; un punto de inflexi & oacute;n en el desarrollo de la programaci & oacute;n social en Norteam & eacute;rica. Este art & iacute;culo explora las pol & iacute;ticas de expansi & oacute;n de la pol & iacute;tica social durante la Gran Depresi & oacute;n en Estados Unidos y Canad & aacute; a trav & eacute;s de una perspectiva anal & iacute;tica que combina las perspectivas del institucionalismo hist & oacute;rico y el an & aacute;lisis de los procesos transnacionales. Por lo tanto, el art & iacute;culo se centra en las diferencias entre estos dos casos como entidades distintas, as & iacute; como en c & oacute;mo se vieron influenciados por los procesos transnacionales y c & oacute;mo se influyeron mutuamente a trav & eacute;s de ellos. Esta combinaci & oacute;n de institucionalismo hist & oacute;rico y una atenci & oacute;n minuciosa a los procesos transnacionales aporta perspectivas a la investigaci & oacute;n existente sobre las pol & iacute;ticas de desarrollo del Estado de bienestar, que tiende a priorizar una perspectiva sobre la otra. Emp & iacute;ricamente, el art & iacute;culo compara estas pol & iacute;ticas en dos & aacute;reas discretas de pol & iacute;tica social: las pensiones de vejez y el seguro de desempleo. El enigma que se aborda es el siguiente: & iquest;por qu & eacute; el gobierno federal estadounidense cre & oacute; nuevos programas en estas & aacute;reas durante la d & eacute;cada de 1930, mientras que Canad & aacute; no lo hizo? Y, simult & aacute;neamente, & iquest;c & oacute;mo influyeron estos cambios en las pol & iacute;ticas estadounidenses en Canad & aacute; durante y despu & eacute;s de esa d & eacute;cada, junto con otras tendencias y procesos transnacionales? Como se ha argumentado, la diferencia en el momento y el ritmo de la reforma, as & iacute; como el papel de los tribunales, explican por qu & eacute; Canad & aacute; no implement & oacute; importantes programas p & uacute;blicos de pensiones y desempleo durante la Gran Depresi & oacute;n. Esto contrasta con Estados Unidos, donde la llegada del New Deal condujo a la creaci & oacute;n de un programa federal de pensiones y un sistema descentralizado de seguro de desempleo. Con el tiempo, estas innovaciones pol & iacute;ticas impactaron el desarrollo del estado de bienestar en Canad & aacute; a trav & eacute;s de su influencia transnacional.