This article offers a literary reading of key scenes in the Joseph narrative through insights from empirically grounded social-psychological research, examining how otherness is produced, managed, and only partly eased within the story. It follows Joseph from sibling conflict to Egyptian society, tracing how otherness persists across these settings despite shifts in status and location. Drawing heuristically on constructs such as intragroup marginalization, impression management, identity salience, and commensality, the study shows that Joseph's varied strategies never fully dissolve categorical boundaries. Methodologically, it models a disciplined, non-diagnostic use of social-psychological concepts to enrich literary exegesis; substantively, it reframes Joseph as one who learns to live with his otherness.
This article examines the ways in which the Hebrew Bible depicts the foreign rulers of Assyria, Babylon, and Persia as emissaries of God, with particular attention to whether they are portrayed as conscious of this divinely assigned role. In some texts, these rulers appear unaware of their function-for example, the arrogant Assyrian king in Isaiah 10-whereas in others, such awareness is implied, as in 2 Kings 18, 25. Comparable tensions emerge in the portrayals of Nebuchadnezzar and Cyrus. The article investigates whether these divergent representations reflect distinct theological conceptions of foreign rule. The analysis argues that, in the cases of Nebuchadnezzar and Cyrus, the differences indeed point to substantive conceptual divergences, while in the case of Assyria, the variation among the texts reflects not a theological disparity but differing modes of literary presentation.
Connections between the Joseph narrative and Egyptian history or mythology have been made by many scholars. In this paper, I read several events in the Joseph narrative against the background of facial mutilation as an Egyptian punishment for adultery in court documents and mythological narratives. I argue that the Joseph Narrative hints at facial mutilation as Joseph's punishment for adultery in addition to his imprisonment. This interpretation fits with Egyptian narratives that have previously been compared to the Joseph narrative as well as Egyptian court documents. It also explains why Joseph is imprisoned rather than killed, his brothers' inability to recognize him, and the strange seating arrangement at the dinner (Joseph eating alone).
This study reinterprets the narratives of 2 Samuel through the lens of cultural memory theory, examining how competing Judean and Benjaminite memories construct divergent visions of Israel's past. It argues that the Benjaminite memories embedded in 2 Samuel preserve counter-memories that challenge the theological and political legitimacy of the Davidic monarchy. By tracing these mnemonic tensions, the article demonstrates that "Israel" in the Samuel narratives functions not as a fixed historical entity but as a contested site of collective remembrance probably shaped during the Persian and early Hellenistic milieu. Ultimately, this study proposes that 2 Samuel should be read as a product of memory negotiation, where marginalized Benjaminite voices redefine Israel's identity beyond the Davidic ideology.
Psalm 82 depicts a divine council in which YHWH condemns other gods for failing to uphold justice. Rather than treating its imagery as a mythological remnant, this article argues that the psalm redeploys the council motif as a staged tribunal in which justice functions as the criterion of legitimate authority. Through textual reading, this study traces the psalm's dramatic sequence-indictment, destabilization, verdict, and final petition-and shows how shifts in voice and the performative force of divine speech expose unjust rule as illegitimate. The gods are condemned not for being gods but for neglecting the weak and poor, and the closing appeal transfers universal judgment to YHWH alone. Read as a mimetic courtroom drama, Psalm 82 articulates a theological logic in which sovereignty is demonstrated rather than assumed.
This article examines the book of Nahum through the lens of critical space theory, exploring how the text constructs and deconstructs spatial hierarchies to articulate divine sovereignty over human and imperial power. Unlike other prophetic works that describe judgment abstractly, Nahum situates divine action within the physical and symbolic landscape of Nineveh, portraying gates, fortresses, and rivers, as both instruments of imperial authority and sites of vulnerability. The study demonstrates how God's space is depicted as cosmic, unbounded, and deterritorializing, with natural and hydraulic forces responding to divine command, while Nineveh's urban and hydraulic infrastructures are rendered fragile; its imperial centrality is displaced to the periphery, and its identity is feminized and morally stigmatized. By analyzing architectural, hydraulic, and literary features, the article argues that Nahum reorients spatial and political orders, transforming the city from a center of dominion into a backdrop for divine judgment. This spatial-theological reading illuminates the dynamic interplay between geography, ideology, and power in the Hebrew Bible, showing that ultimate authority over space resides not with empires, kings, or cities but with God alone.
When comparing the narratives in Chronicles with Samuel-Kings, it is clear that the Chronicler's (Chr) depiction of David is more favorable than his sources. For example, David is portrayed as the "founding father" of Israel's temple-site, cult, and liturgical empire, and he is the ideal king who helps establish Israel as one nation under God. That is why it is so surprising that the Chr appears to have reduced David's role in evaluating his successors, the Judean kings. Some claim this as evidence that the Chr downplays and diminishes David's character, but this could not be further from the truth. Following the elements of Bondi's character analysis, it is argued that David is still the standard for faithfulness in Chronicles since the Chr uniquely adds references to David and David's faithful heart at the most significant places in Israel's history. Ultimately, the heart of David's legacy is his temple-oriented heart-a character trait the Chr deeply desires his audience to adopt.
This study builds upon and refines current scholarship on Late Antique Judaism, which increasingly recognises that rabbinic sages did not dominate synagogue life. Rather than presenting this as a new discovery, the article emphasizes its unique contribution: that Judaism from the third to the sixth centuries CE. often reflected semi-polytheistic practices. Using literary, historical, and archaeological evidence-including dedicatory inscriptions and mosaic floors-this research demonstrates how Galilean Jewish communities adopted semi-polytheistic religious practices that incorporated pagan and Christian artistic influences, reflecting a theological framework that recognised multiple divine entities while maintaining primary devotion to one. This openness was facilitated by non-rabbinic leadership structures where local civilian leaders (archisynagogos or rosh knesset), rather than rabbinic sages, governed synagogue life. These educated administrators created space for religious practices diverging from emerging rabbinic orthodoxy. Synagogue visual culture provides compelling evidence for theological openness to divine plurality. This study, therefore, extends the consensus on synagogue diversity by demonstrating that post-Temple Galilean Judaism represented a distinct, more theologically inclusive branch of Jewish practice, fundamentally reshaping our understanding of Jewish religious diversity during Late Antiquity.
The Hebrew term (sic) found in Nahum 3:1 poses a considerable challenge, as ancient texts exhibit discrepancies in their rendering of (sic). Consequently, this article aims to clarify the ambiguous Hebrew word (sic) in Nahum 3:1 by employing textual criticism as its main approach. It will analyze manuscript evidence, assess the likelihood of transcription and translation variations, and take into account contextual and linguistic considerations.
This study focuses on the three occurrences of the talionic formula in the Pentateuch, each belonging to a separate law collection. While in BC and D the use of the talionic principle is merely formulaic and incongruent to its context, its occurrence in H is fairly adequate and not dissonant at all; moreover, the formula as it appears in Lev 24 befits the vocabulary and conceptions of the H source and seems to have originated there. This suggestion not only aims at pinpointing the birthplace of the talionic formula, but also calls for a reassessment of the authenticity of the talionic formula in BC and D, or possibly of the relative dating of the biblical law collections.
The tabernacle narratives (Exod-Num) contain some of the most detailed descriptions of a physical space in the Hebrew Bible. The materials and furnishings of the portable tabernacle are meticulously listed, and the placement of objects is relatively consistent. In this contribution, I explore the stability created by organizing the tabernacle's furnishings and focus on the tabernacle as a transitional phenomenon (Winnicott) created for a liminal forty-year period in the wilderness. I also explore how the tabernacle can be understood as an assemblage (Bennett) that reverberates with stability for the Israelites. Finally, I turn to the tabernacle as a virtual space that can establish order for the texts' users and recipients.
The article examines the literary purpose of Psalms 3-14, suggesting that the editors aimed to highlight YHWH's awareness of social and political chaos and his intent to restore order by judging evildoers. These psalms are presented as David's supplications to YHWH during distress, engaging in dialogue with community members and opponents. The editors encourage the righteous to seek refuge in YHWH, remain faithful, and trust in his intervention. The cluster reflects the editors' desire for YHWH to act as judge and king, saving the righteous. Through these psalms, the editors aimed to bolster the belief that YHWH's dominion would triumph over chaos, providing hope and guidance to the faithful.
This paper addresses the ongoing debate about humor in Tobit. The lack of consensus is due, in part, to the fact that readers make very different assessments of Tobit's character and situation. These differing evaluations result in conflicting opinions about whether the book contains humor and the type of humor which may be present. After surveying the range of scholarly opinion, the essay focuses on specific episodes in which Tobit has been described as acting risibly. Readers who view Tobit negatively tend to conclude that he is being ridiculed. Others see their own idiosyncrasies in Tobit. The paper concludes by considering the surprisingly benign situation of the Israelite exiles in Tobit's Nineveh. While life in exile is usually assumed to be dangerous and chaotic, here Tobit causes danger and chaos for himself, at times in humorous fashion. Nevertheless, he receives all the divine care he needs in order to thrive.
This short note examines the Hebrew term (sic) ('et), considering a recent suggestion of its possible ancient Egyptian etymology, arguing that it specifically refers to the calamus (reed pen) rather than the rush pen. By tracing its origin to the Egyptian 't, attested only in the Graeco-Roman Period, the study establishes a terminus post quem for its occurrences in Jer 8,8, 17,1; Ps 45,2; and Job 19,24, suggesting a late redaction or revision of these verses.
The meaning of the phrase (sic) in Dan 10,1 is disputed, variously translated as "but the time appointed was long," "extremely hard to understand," "great conflict" or "great war." Based on linguistic and contextual evidence, this article provides new additional considerations for the meaning of (sic) as "great host" or "great war." The present paper sheds light on the complex nuances of (sic) and shows its role in revealing the heavenly and earthly warfare described in Dan 10-12.
The phrases (sic) and (sic) in the Hebrew Bible are specifically constructed to graphematically replicate a siege. The juxtaposing of the lexeme (sic) with a (sic) prepositional phrase which has the lexeme (sic) as its complement is relatively rare in the Hebrew Bible. Its strategic occurrence is restricted to a few texts discussing siege conditions in the Hebrew Bible. The placement of this phrase in siege texts suggests intentionality. The phrase, in each case, is a chiasmus and a case of anagrammatic paronomasia, which visually fortifies the context of besiegement against Samaria and Jerusalem. The anagrammatic paronomasia in these phrases anticipates reversal, which occurs in 2 Kgs 7, has begun in 2 Kgs 25 par. Jer 52, but is frustrated in Ezek 7,15.
