ABSTRACT: This study investigates the syntactic architecture of the Chinese [V dà NP] construction within a nanosyntactic framework. The [V NP] compounds correspond to verb-object separable compounds (离 合 词 líhécí ), which permit morphological separation and lexical insertion between the verb and the noun. Through corpus-based analysis and syntactic diagnostics, we demonstrate that dà in [V dà NP] construction functions as a degree adverb—analogous to English heavily in construction like drink heavily —rather than a size-denoting adjective. Crucially, dà lexicalizes a synthetic feature inventory (e.g., [+quantity], [+severity]), whose specific interpretation is contextually activated by the semantic properties of the [V NP] compounds, with features in a substitutional rather than additive relation. Syntactically, adopting nanosyntactic principles, we propose that dà heads the DegP as its lexicalized functional head, where it overtly spells out scalar features associated with event-level intensification. This analysis aligns with economy constraints, as the verb raises directly to v P without requiring additional focus-driven movement. 摘要: 本文在纳米句法的框架下探讨了汉语中 [V 大 NP] 结构的构成。 [V 大 NP] 结构中的 [V NP] 属于动宾离合词，二者可以分开并在其间插 入其他词。本文通过从语料库中选取 [V 大 NP] 结构并分析 [大] 的 性质，认为 [大] 是一个表示程度的副词，类似于英语中的 heavily (如， drink heavily ) 的成分，并非是表示大小的形容词。我们认为 [大] 携带的特征形成了一个特征库，由于 [V NP] 复合词的不同解读，这 些特征处于一种替代而非叠加的关系。在句法上，本文遵循纳米句法 的原则，将 [大] 视为 DegP 的功能中心语，显性拼出与事件层级强化 相关的标量特征。该分析使得动词直接提升到 v P，无需额外的焦点驱 动移位，符合经济性原则。
ABSTRACT: Evaluative morphology is a relatively new concept in the field of morphology, which has significance for the study of Chinese morphological phenomena. The present study comprehensively describes degree reduplication in Yangjiang dialect, further probing into its grammatical forms and semantic mechanisms from the perspective of evaluative morphology. Degree reduplication in Yangjiang dialect can be categorized into three types: (1) Degree-intensification reduplication, based on universal cognitive patterns, expresses the prototypical meaning big by prolonging the tone-change syllable and sometimes reduplicating it more than twice; (2) Degree-reduction reduplication expresses the prototypical meaning small by adding the suffix "tʃei21 子" to the reduplication, which economically and effectively eliminates the "big amount" semantic preference of the double reduplication; (3) Reduplication with an indefinite degree features no special markers, relying on the depicted state to determine the degree. Degree reduplication in Yangjiang dialect not only has the features of Yue dialects but also reflects traces of contact with Min and Hakka dialects. It is a typical example of evaluative morphology and serves as a case study for examining evaluative morphology in Yue dialect and even in Chinese. 摘要: 评价性形态是形态学领域较新的概念，对汉语形态现象研究具启发意 义。本文全面描写阳江方言程度义重叠式，并依托评价形态学视角进 一步探讨其语法形式和表义机制。阳江方言程度义重叠式可分为三 类：(一)程度增强类重叠式通过延长变调音节时长和多叠表达原型意 义"大"，该策略基于并符合"形式多即内容多"的人类普遍认知模 式；(二)程度减弱类重叠式以双叠式加词缀"子"表示原型意义 "小"，经济有效地通过词缀消解双叠式表大量的语义倾向；(三)程 度不定类重叠式则无特殊标记，依托所描摹状态以确定程度义。同 时，阳江方言程度义重叠式既具粤方言的特征，又体现与闽、客方言 接触的痕迹。阳江方言程度义重叠式是评价性形态的典型例证，本文 是运用评价形态学进行形态研究的一项具体实践，也为粤方言乃至汉 语的评价性形态研究提供语料支持和个案参考。
摘要: 文章讨论吴语中由前缀"是/像/丐-Pron"构成的强调式人称代词在句 法分布上的共性与差异，重新审视所谓的"强调式代词"的语义内涵。 文章提出以下两个核心观点：(一)吴语强调式代词所承载的"强调" 意义，本质上是话题、焦点等话语信息功能的体现，其在句法上投射 为限定词短语的左缘结构(left periphery of DP)；(二)这三类复合代词 均是由标句词短语(CP)到名词性短语(DP)这一句法到形态跨层重新 分析而来，其强调意义的来源可进一步区分为焦点凸显、话题延续和 转换(topic continuity and shifting)等机制。这些机制在共时层面的句法 共性与差异，可归结于其各自词汇来源，以及重新分析前相应的功能 结构或相关语义特征的差异，如[+话题]或[+焦点]等。本研究在理论上 的意义在于，为"人称代词的句法投射可以包括相应的左缘结构"这 一观点提供了独立证据，从而为名词域和动词域之间的句法平行性做 出了新的佐证。 ABSTRACT: This paper reexamines the syntactic distribution of 'emphatic pronouns' formed by the prefixes 是(shi), 像(xiang) and 丐 (gai) in Wu Chinese, and reevaluates the semantic import of these so-called 'emphatic pronouns'. We make two main claims concerning the syntactic and semantic properties of emphatic pronouns. First, we argue that the 'emphatic' meaning of complex pronouns in Wu is essentially a manifestation of discourse-oriented function such as topicality and focality, which are syntactically projected as the left periphery of the determiner phrase. Second, these three compound pronouns all underwent syntactic reanalysis from complementizer phrases (CPs) to determiner phrases (DPs). The sources of their emphatic interpretation can be further distinguished into mechanisms of focus prominence, topic continuity, and topic shifting. The synactic commonalities and differences among these mechanisms can be attributed to the distinct lexical sources of each prefix, and to the divergent functional structures or associated semantic features (e.g., [+topic] vs. [+focus]) that they carried prior to reanalysis. The theoretical significance of this study lies in the fact that it provides independent evidence for the view that personal pronouns may project their own left-peripheral structure, thereby offering new corroboration for the syntactic parallelism between the nominal and verbal domains.
ABSTRACT: This study utilized EMA and ultrasound imaging to investigate the voicing distinctions of stops in Shanghai Wu across 9 speakers by analyzing various laryngeal and supralaryngeal properties. Linear Mixed Model and Generalized Additive Mixed Models were conducted on the measurements in this study. The results suggest that some supralaryngeal and laryngeal properties within the mechanisms demonstrate a degree of independence in voicing distinctions as previously reported, while others also reveal interactions between these two modules. First, independence in this study is embodied in the different supralaryngeal articulatory targets between voiced and voiceless stops in the Shanghai Wu Chinese. Although word-initial voiced stops demonstrate laryngeal properties (e.g., VOT) comparable to voiceless stops—they markedly differ from their supralaryngeal properties—word-initial voiced stops were still found to be distinct from voiceless stops by their lower supralaryngeal articulatory targets. This distinction is specifically reflected in the dynamic loop and closure duration. Furthermore, interactions of the two modules in this study are embodied in the jaw displacement, length of the geniohyoid muscle, and tongue root displacement. Based on the results, this study further discusses the hybrid nature of word-initial voiced stops. We propose that this nature may arise from the interplay of factors associated with processes of gradual sound change and word-internal position constraints. 摘要: 摘要 本研究通过电磁发音仪（EMA）与超声成像仪的实验手段，通过分析 喉部及喉上发音特征，调查了9位吴方言上海话母语者塞音清浊区分的 表现。研究运用线性混合效应模型与广义加性混合模型对测量数据进 行分析，结果显示，如前人研究所述，一部分喉上和喉部机制的特征 在清浊区分发音中存在一定的独立性，同时，这两个模块之间的其他 部分机制的特征也存在交互性。首先，独立性体现在吴方言上海浊塞 音和清塞音在喉上发音目标上的不同。尽管词首浊塞音表现出与清塞 音相似的喉部特征（如VOT），但它们在喉上发音目标上存在显著差异——词首浊塞音因其较低的喉上发音目标而与清塞音有所差异。这种 差异具体体现在发音运动回路和持阻时长上。此外，本研究中喉上与 喉部机制的相互作用体现在下颌位移、颏舌骨肌长度和舌根位移上。 基于这些结果，本研究进一步探讨了词首浊塞音的混合性质。我们认 为，这种性质可能是由渐进音变过程和词内位置限制相关的因素共同 作用而产生的。
ABSTRACT: This study provides a comprehensive examination of the syntactic distribution and semantic interpretation of four distinct uses of yān 焉 in Old Chinese: (i) postverbal vP-internal yān , (ii) postverbal sentence-final particle (SFP) yān , (iii) preverbal interrogative yān , and (iv) preverbal negative wh-word yān . It is proposed that the low postverbal yān appears within the vP, functioning either as an object or a dative argument. This form may undergo vP-internal movement to the vP-edge position, triggered by a [+focus] feature on a functional v head and licensed through case feature sharing at the landing site. This movement gives rise to the preverbal interrogative yān . Furthermore, it is argued that the preverbal negative yān does not bear a derivational relationship with the low postverbal yān . Instead, it is base-generated at the vP edge, within the scope of a negator in the Polarity Phrase in the C-domain, carrying the illocutionary force of asserting the opposite polarity of the apparent question. Finally, the high postverbal yān functions as an SFP, occupying the C-domain. Both the postverbal SFP and the preverbal negative yān convey distinct illocutionary forces, highlighting their close interaction with pragmatic factors. 摘要: 本研究考察上古汉语中四种不同"焉"的句法分布和语义解释，包括： 动词后 vP 内"焉"、动词后句末语气助词(SFP)"焉"、动词前 vP 内 疑问词"焉"，及动词前 vP 内否定词"焉"。本文主张，低位的动词后 "焉"基础生成于动词短语(vP)内部，作补足语或附加语；该"焉" 受到 v 中心语上 [+焦点] 特征触发，可以移位到 vP 边缘位置，进而 派生出动词前疑问词"焉"。动词前否定词"焉"与动词后 vP 内"焉" 并无派生关系。它是在 vP 边缘位置基础生成的，在句法中位于 CP 辖 域的极性短语内否定词作用的范围之内，带有表达相反极性的言外语 力。动词后高位"焉"是一个句末语气助词，基础生成于 CP 层。动 后语气词"焉"与动前否定"焉"均具有一定的言外语力，这展现了 句法–语义与语用之间密切的互动关系。
ABSTRACT: Pitch is most crucial for tone perception. Not only is the intrinsic pitch information from the target tone important, but the extrinsic pitch properties from adjacent tones also serve as notable cues. This study investigates the relative contributions of pitch height and movement variations utilized as intrinsic and extrinsic cues for Mandarin tone perception by native listeners and non-native listeners with varying exposure to L2 Mandarin. An identification experiment was conducted with 91 participants, who were instructed to judge tones created by synthesizing pitch extracted from real disyllabic expressions. Results reveal that while pitch heights and slopes are crucial intrinsic cues for identifying level and rising tones, respectively, the phonetic interactions between intrinsic and extrinsic pitch cues bear greater perceptual significance for both native and non-native perception, albeit to varying degrees depending on L2 proficiency. The pitch difference between neighboring tones is found to be the most significant cue; it not only has a stronger influence than intrinsic pitch cues but also significantly aids listeners in distinguishing tones categorically. By comparing native Mandarin listeners with native Korean listeners, a group whose language lacks lexical tones but uses post-lexical intonation, this study sheds light on the roles of L1 prosody and developmental factors that shape L2 listeners' perceptual weighting strategies for both intrinsic and extrinsic pitch cues in identifying Mandarin tones. 摘要: 音高是声调感知时最重要的声学线索。不仅目标声调的内在音高十 分重要，且相邻声调的外在音高也是非常重要的线索。本研究分析 了音高高度及变动的差异作为内在和外在线索，在汉语母语者和不 同水平的二语者感知普通话声调时所起的作用。在本研究中进行了 声调辨认实验，要求91名被试辨认音高经过合成的普通话双音节词 语的声调。结果表明：虽然音高高度和音高斜率分别是辨认平调和 升调时重要的内在线索，但内在和外在音高线索间的语音交互作 用，在汉语母语者和二语者的声调感知上都具有更加重要的作用。 尤其是相邻音调间的音高差，不仅比内在音高有更大的影响，且帮 助听者以范畴的方式区分声调。此外，本研究还通过分析韩语(无声 调仅有语调)为母语的二语者对声调的感知情况，阐明了母语的特点 与二语熟练度对内在和外在音高线索的感知权重策略产生的影响。
Researchers have long reached the consensus that in a Chinese-style topic construction the comment says something about the topic, but they are still divided as to how the semantic function of aboutness should be represented in syntax. The most up-to-date analyses of the construction, postulating a topic projection within the CP layer, does not supply a syntactic structure that can underpin the aboutness meaning or provide an adequate account of the essential semantic and syntactic properties of the construction. This study proposes a double-Infl configuration for Chinese-style topic constructions, i.e., an Infl projects an InlfP, selecting a light verb phrase VABOUTP as its complement and a TopicP as its specifier; VABOUT connects the comment ForceP to the TopicP, thus underpinning the aboutness meaning. This proposal can account for both the essential semantic and syntactic properties of Chinese-style topic constructions and the variation between topic-prominent and subject-prominent languages. The grammatical component of subject-prominent languages has a strong Infl, which has an u[AGREE] feature and hence requires the obligatory presence of a DP in the specifier position of its projection; in contrast, that of topic-prominent languages has a weak Infl, which lacks the feature and hence allows an optional DP or TopicP in the position.
This paper examines the negation system of Gaozhou Yue, an under-documented and under-studied Yue variety. The discussion takes the official documentation of the variety as a starting point, which reports two negators mau5 and mau5 jau5 to be equivalent to Mandarin m & eacute;i(you) and can appear interchangeably. Then based on systematic acceptability judgment data and field-recorded production data, the paper compares Gaozhou Yue and Mandarin negators and argues that (i) mau5 is resemblant to m & eacute;i(you) only in terms of viewpoint aspectual restrictions but has a much broader application where situation aspect is concerned; and (ii) mau5 and mau5 jau5 are only interchangeable in negative existential and negative possessive constructions, together with the fact that mau5 jau5 is hardly acceptable in verbal negation, these demonstrate that mau5 jau5 is not a standard negator. The empirical findings from this comparative study highlights that aspectual restriction still happens in a Chinese variety with only one standard negator. The conclusion reopens discussion on the negation-aspect interaction in Chinese varieties and points the discussion towards a more typologically generalisable formal explanation.
Contending for the grammaticality of control sentences containing an overt controllee, we argue that Chinese control predicates may subcategorize for either nonfinite or finite controlled clauses. A nonfinite controlled clause instantiates canonical (minimal size) structural realization, while a finite controlled clause is a substantial CP instantiating non-canonical (larger-than-expected) structural realization. The latter forms an independent binding domain, thereby licensing an overt controllee. Finiteness of a Chinese controlled clause receives syntactic encoding to the extent that some element indicating the presence of a CP layer is mandatory. The free combination of a control predicate with a finite controlled clause is constrained by some overriding semantic/pragmatic considerations related to the categorical vs. thetic judgment type. A finite controlled clause expresses a categorical judgment, whereas a nonfinite controlled clause expresses the content of a thetic judgment. It is predicted based on the difference in judgment type that the subject of a finite controlled clause is not a minimal pronoun, in contrast to the PRO subject of a nonfinite controlled clause, which is a minimal pronoun. The binding relation between the null or lexical controllee subject of a finite controlled clause and its controller is semantic/pragmatic rather than syntactic in nature.
YunjingXuli ((sic)(sic)& centerdot;(sic)(sic))'s Jieyin ((sic)(sic)) is an important theoretical issue in the study of the academic history of Yunjing ((sic)(sic)), which has not been paid enough attention in previous studies. Jieyin ((sic)(sic))'s meaning is changing from the perspective of history of Yunjing ((sic)(sic)) study in East Asia. There are three subsequent rhyme tables: 1) the forms inconsistent with content ofXuli ((sic)(sic)), represented by Y & umacr;shaku's Inky & omacr; Kairen ((sic)(sic)(sic)(sic) ); 2) the forms reconstructing Yunjing ((sic)(sic) ) based on Modern Chinese phonology, represented by Yuasa J & umacr;ken's works; 3) the forms reconstructing Yunjing ((sic) (sic)) based on Huayin ((sic)(sic)) phonology, represented by Mon'no's Mak & omacr; Inky & omacr; ((sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)). It reflects the diversity of the reconstruction system of Yunjing ((sic)(sic)), which contains many problems in the history of Chinese phonology study, and provides a new opportunity for us to study the phonology of middle ancient, Modern, and even the Ming-Qing Mandarin.
This article is a comprehensive investigatory survey and analysis of the usages of (sic) LE in Dunhuang Bianwen from the perspective of syntactic form, information structure, and pragmatic function based on the usagebased construction grammar theory and Hopper's notion about the perfective properties. Syntactically, the gradually formed V LE as one verb compound to take an object by analogizing the form V QUE O motivates the formation of the novel structure V LE O. Pragmatically, the need for a form to highlight the new information in a closed event with sequential activities under a swift situation in narrative discourse promotes the emergence of LE as the perfective aspect particle. The application of focus provides a window to observe the changes of LE from the focus on the predicate verb LE solely in the form V O LE, to the predicate V LE in which LE as a verb complement is the part of predicative focus in the form V LE, and eventually to the entire closed event in which LE as a perfective aspect particle to emphasize the event as a whole in the form V LE O. This study demonstrates that syntactic changes, analogization of existing grammar patterns, discourse needs in the specific usage context and pragmatic expressivity in communication all contribute to the emergence of LE as the perfective aspect marker.
This paper investigates the associative marker gai in Hakka complex noun phrases, exploring its syntax and semantics. It is argued that gai constitutes the formal correlate of a [CLASS] feature that linguistically identifies a class, or a subkind, to a kind denoted by the modified noun. The gai marker hosts a functional projection ClassP in the nominal structure and is shown to encode the concept of partitivity, namely denoting a potentially specific subset of a larger set. The analysis of gai as a class marker is shown to fit with the cross-linguistic picture regarding classification, partitivity and nominal ellipsis.
Based on a database of rhymings in Book of Songs, this paper proves that in old Chinese: (1) Dental-ending finals (with coda [-t/-n/-d/-r]) could have rounded medial [-u-] or [-w-]; (2) Finals in labial syllables (with labial initial) could be classified into two tyes: rounded and unrounded; (3) Velar-ending finals (with coda [-k/-& eng;/-g]) had no rounded medial, but could follow a labialized initial [k(w)-] or [p(w)-]; and the labialized [(w)-] gave rise to rounded medial [-w-] in middle Chinese; (4) In Book of Songs, there was a tendency to distinguish rounded rhymes from the unrounded.
Investigating Complementizer is a continuing concern within linguistics research. However, fewer scholars have been able to draw an any systematic research into the comparison of Chinese Complementizer and "that". Whether there are Complementizer converted from demonstrative pronouns like 'that' in English has not been discovered yet. In spoken language in Xinmi dialect, "zhe" promotes the subsequent structure into a syntactically unself-contained clause, and guides it to serve as the subject and object in the sentence. In this case, "zhe" has already transformed as a typical clause tag but not a demonstrative pronoun. The complementizer "zhe" not only has a phonetic difference with the demonstrative pronouns, but it also shows rare specific semantics. "zhe" in the leading clause is also different from the demonstrative pronoun. It does not have a structural relation with other components in the sentence and can be omitted. And it cannot be questioned. It can be omitted, but it cannot be combined with quantifiers. "Zhe" has a fixable syntactic position. All those evidence presents that "zhe" has been grammatically transformed into a subordinate clause's maker with guiding effects.
This paper discusses Chinese optative sentences, which are constructed based on the optative construction in the form of a y & agrave;osh & igrave;/r & uacute;guo clause as a clausal subject plus a matrix clause ji & ugrave; + positive adjectival predicate + le, such as ji & ugrave; hao le 'JIU nice Prc'. We propose an ordered possible world semantics for Chinese optatives. Given Optative (p), possible worlds are ordered according to how likely a proposition is true under normal circumstances and p is true in worlds in which a proposition wished for is true and which are lower in the ordered worlds. In addition, we also propose a Segmented Discourse Representation Theory account for the dynamic semantics of Chinese optatives. In addition to the (static and dynamic) semantics of Chinese optatives, we address three related issues: the construction undergoing grammaticalization, Chinese optatives expressing a counterfactual reading or not, and the use of different connectives jiash & egrave;/jiar & uacute;/r & uacute;guo/y & agrave;osh & igrave;.
Yuen Ren Chao (1892-1982) was a pioneer in the field of Modern Chinese linguistics in the first half of the 20th century. This article aims to provide a brief overview of his phonological theory and analyze the validity of his views. Based on some current phonological theories, this article attempts to meticulously evaluate the appropriateness of Yuen Ren Chao's linguistic research on phonemic function and his assertions regarding consonants, vowels, tones, stress, and other phonetic and phonological aspects of Modern Chinese.
The analysis of this paper shows that: The unconditional multiple division of MC voiced Initials in modern Jianyang Dialect of Northern Min is neither because of the residue of proto Min nor the result of the mixture of multiple dialects, but the result of natural sound change. Given the MC voiced Initials in Jianyang dialect have two different kinds of voiced initials: "slack voice" type and "real voiced" type when the sound change happened, these two kinds of voiced initials have different "devoicing" and "lenition" sound change direction, and they mutually restrict each other in the diffusion sound change.
Previous studies of tone sandhi in Mandarin dialects have attributed tone sandhi motivations to phonotactics or allomorph listing due to the lack of phonetic or phonological grounding. They also observed that domains of sandhi rules within a dialect are either sensitive or non-sensitive to morphosyntactic configurations. In addition, the traditional parallelist framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky [1993] 2004) usually suffices in previous analyses of opaque sandhi patterns. This study presents the trisyllabic tone sandhi patterns of Laoling, a Northern Mandarin dialect. In contrast to past research, we show that (a) the tone sandhi rules are phonetically and phonologically motivated, (b) the sandhi rules can differ in structure-sensitivity, and (c) there are opaque sandhi patterns that challenge the parallelist OT framework. We propose a serialist analysis under Harmonic Serialism (McCarthy 2010).
