Background Artificial intelligence (AI), especially computer vision (CV), is rapidly changing the way medical diagnoses are performed by improving accuracy and efficiency. However, the integration of AI into the healthcare system still faces many barriers related to knowledge management, user trust, and practical applicability. Objective This study aims to evaluate the factors influencing behavioral intention to use machine vision (MV) in medical diagnosis and its impact on sustainability in healthcare. Methods The research methodology combines three techniques: Multi-criteria decision-making (MCDM), structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM), and artificial neural networks (ANN). Survey data were collected from 520 physicians, patients, and AI experts. Key. Results The results indicate that knowledge management factors (such as knowledge innovation, development, application, and maintenance) in conjunction with user perceptions (usefulness, ease of use, personalization, and emotional intelligence) have a significant influence on the intention to use machine vision. At the same time, this intention also plays a strong mediating role in promoting healthcare sustainability. The combined model also improves predictive accuracy and identifies key factors in the AI implementation process. Implications: The research results provide a practical basis for policymakers and hospital managers in developing effective AI technology integration strategies, contributing to promoting the development of a more sustainable healthcare system in the future.
This study investigates the problem of spatial and experiential homogeneity in contemporary Chinese local museums, a condition that undermines the transformative potential of museum exhibitions and educational functions. Recognizing the limitations of current museum-making practices, this research draws on Henri Lefebvre’s theory of the production of space to examine how Suzhou Museum constitutes a counter-example to this trend. Based on in-depth ethnographic fieldwork, including participant observation and semi-structured interviews, the study centers on architect Ieoh Ming Pei’s design process, which engaged deeply with local cultural origins and emphasized architectural aesthetics. The findings demonstrate that spatial and environmental aesthetics—when grounded in place-based cultural narratives—can generate affective resonance and cultural empathy among visitors, thus enhancing their engagement and participation. By situating Suzhou Museum as a successful case of heterogenized museum-making, the contribution of this research lies not only in shifting the focus of international museum studies on Chinese cases from a critical analysis of “museum politics” to the museum itself, but also in foregrounding architectural aesthetics and spatial practice as key variables in understanding how local museums can resist homogenizing forces.
The 2008 U.S. financial crisis exposed fundamental weaknesses in the prevailing model of globalization and catalyzed forces reshaping its trajectory. While structural failures and acute shocks have disrupted globalization—and some observers describe a nascent era of deglobalization—we argue that globalization is neither waning nor ending. Instead, under current historical conditions, it is transitioning toward a more inclusive and equitable “reglobalization”. Rapid digital innovation, deepening regional integration, and greater emphasis on sustainable, health-conscious development are driving this transformation. China has played a prominent role in advancing reglobalization, as illustrated by its practices in the new energy and artificial intelligence sectors and its contributions to regional institutional cooperation. Nonetheless, reglobalization faces significant challenges, including resurgent geopolitical competition and sluggish global growth. Achieving genuinely inclusive and equitable outcomes requires prudently managing great-power rivalry, reconciling development with security imperatives, and preventing fragmentation of the global economic and trading system amid excessive securitization.
Political scientists are often called on to interpret how society is changing. This is evident today with respect to globalization: with changes in security, trade, alliances, and norms, there is urgent effort to identify the forces, effects, and meaning of what is going on. This paper offers an empirical and a conceptual contribution to globalization scholars. Empirically, I suggest three views of globalization in the past that are useful for assessing trends today. These are the classical, hybrid, and hypermodern modes of governance. Classical refers to governance through inter-governmental arrangements. Hybrid emphasizes the mutual dependence of governments on private actors. Hypermodern acknowledges the innovations in governance that arise as the management of data becomes an effective means of social control. The conceptual contribution notes interpretive problems in treating history as ‘data.’ The interpretation of the past is inescapable in analysis of the present and projections of the future. The three concepts might be used by scholars to identify prevailing modes of globalization in the past and present - that is, as descriptions of historical facts - or as interpretive lenses that bring certain features into focus. The ontological difference between ‘facts’ and ‘lenses’ creates two distinct scholarly conversations on changing globalization whose differences cannot be bridged.
This paper discusses the gradual but growing convergence of global environmental governance (GEG) with ideational innovations, specifically focusing on the Rights of Nature (RoN) discourses. The first, uncontroversial claim is that the 20th and early 21st century regime of GEG has failed to resolve the most significant environmental crises of our times. Second, deglobalisation as a period of heightened political contestation and counter-current thinking is also marked by increasing awareness and recognition of non-human actors. This context of continuity and change enables the emergence of conceptual and legal innovations such as the RoN that go beyond anthropocentric and growth-focused conceptualisations of sustainability. Third, although the content of these discourses is not uniform across the world, all variations of the RoN speak to the subjectivity and agency of nature while also invoking legal rights as effective tools for resisting domination by extractive elites and institutional power. The analysis of the impact of RoN discourses on GEG draws on Ranajit Guha’s theoretical framework of dominance and hegemony as contingent relations of power. The original framework is developed further to incorporate nature as a new actor alongside suppressed groups who now have greater visibility and influence in an age of pluralism and polycentricity. This analytical lens sheds light on the complexity and fluidity of indeterminate relationships of domination and resistance among elites, subalterns, and nature. Following from this, the fourth claim is that the impact of these discourses on environmental governance is more likely to be meliorative rather than radical. RoN discourses provide a basis for correctives to norms and policies, as well as checks on power instead of creating a new type of global environmental regime. The emergent interconnections between GEG and RoN discourses are thus interpreted as ideational innovation ‘writ small’, though not as ‘rendered ineffective.’
The European Union’s opposition to citizenship by investment (CBI) programmes is well-documented, targeting both Member States – most notably Malta – and third countries in the Caribbean and Pacific regions. The EU has pressured states to curtail CBI schemes, citing security concerns among other reasons. Recently, the Court of Justice of the European Union invalidated Malta’s CBI programme, ruling that commodification cannot constitute a link of solidarity between a Member State and a future citizen. This article argues that a key yet often implicit consequence of such interventions is the preservation of conceptions of bloodline-based and ethnonational citizenship. While resonating with Joppke’s concept of the ‘ethnicisation’ of citizenship, this article departs from his binary de-/re-ethnicisation framework by introducing ‘neo-ethnicisation’ – not a rupture but an adaptive process persisting through transformation. What appears as movement away from ethnic logic may actually represent its reconfiguration through ostensibly neutral legal-political processes, discursive mechanisms and postcolonial governance logics. In former colonies these interventions – entrenched in structural mechanisms rather than explicit policies – limit mobility for ethnoracialised populations and constrain small states’ capacity to deploy citizenship as economic sovereignty. Within the EU, opposition to CBI programmes similarly reflects anxieties over the erosion of the ethnocultural ties traditionally defining national membership, though operating through more complex institutional and discursive dynamics.
I argue that dominant conceptions of democracy are fundamentally human-centric and fail to account for the landscapes, peoples, and pragmatic realities from which collective life emerges. Drawing on observations from the Uluru landscape and informed by Anangu understandings of their Tjukurpa, I aver that democracies exist within the landscape itself, rooted in the interconnectedness of all beings and the land. Employing an ethn/etho-logy method to study human/non-human sociability, I examine the controversial case of Arabian Camels who live on Uluru’s red, spinifex, landscape. My argument contrasts colonial views, which often frame Camels as pests, with Anangu perspectives and certain cultural perspectives that are foreign to the Continent many call Australia that accord the Camel respect and sometimes view them as sacred. A democracy rationalised from this landscape, which I term a type of red democracy, is defined by the absence of human authority and a requirement of living with, not over, beings and the land, which requires respect for all as the value in prime. Actions like state-sanctioned Camel extermination, but also Camels destroying human property, are presented as examples of tyranny violating this value. My essay concludes in saying that it is only in grounding democracy in the land, and by rationalising democracy with the life entangled in that land (human and non), that we can approach solutions to problems, like the Camel, without destructive tyranny.
Translation plays a central role in connecting languages, cultures, and perspectives. In literature, it helps to better understand diverse literary traditions and cultural experiences. This study conducts a comprehensive bibliometric analysis of 495 articles (2020–2024) from Web of Science (SSCI and AHCI) to examine the structural evolution of translation studies within the domain of English literature. Using VOSviewer and Biblioshiny, the research maps thematic development, author productivity, institutional presence, and global collaboration patterns. Five thematic clusters emerge: translator training, literary translation, audiovisual translation, machine translation, and competence. Digital and applied priorities now set new directions for foundational concerns in these areas. After 2020, output increased and reached its highest level in 2023, influenced by AI, automation, and demands from digital media sectors. A transition from canonical theory to thematic patterns that link pedagogy, automation, and sociopolitical critique characterizes co-citation networks. China and Europe hold separate positions in research partnerships, while a few journals and institutions draw considerable prestige. This study examines recent publication activity in translation studies and presents a field with multiple research direction, practical applications, brief periods of influence, and successive clusters of ideas. It establishes a basis for evaluating the current configuration of the field and its potential directions.
This study examined the usage of social media for surveillance and treatment compliance during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic in Ghana. Through a quantitative cross-sectional design and an online questionnaire, n = 130 frontline health professionals were sampled for the study. A multiplatform research approach was applied to assess the role of social media for COVID-19 surveillance and treatment compliance. Descriptive statistics were used to analyse the data received from respondents. The results indicate prominent use for COVID-19 surveillance and treatment compliance are; WhatsApp, Facebook, X, and YouTube, respectively. To evaluate the effectiveness of social media platforms for surveillance and treatment compliance, five metrics were randomly chosen Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) were used. These KPIs include; post likes, post shares, post comments, click-through rate, and post engagement rate. The results revealed the following; Facebook (34
Artificial intelligence systems increasingly influence critical societal decisions, from healthcare resource distribution to criminal justice evaluations. While John Rawls’ theory of justice, especially his “veil of ignorance,” has become a prominent framework for promoting algorithmic fairness, this paper reveals a fundamental paradox in its use: unchanging principles of justice, when applied in evolving AI systems, can sustain or worsen existing inequalities. We demonstrate how algorithmic systems that meet initial Rawlsian fairness standards can create growing disparities through feedback loops and systemic biases. Our healthcare case study shows how seemingly neutral resource allocation algorithms can systematically harm vulnerable groups even when they meet formal fairness criteria.
This paper analyzes President Donald J. Trump's tariff policies during his first term (2017-2021) and second term (2025- ) as catalysts accelerating a deeper structural transformation in the global political economy. Trump's unilateral protectionism marked a sharp departure from neoliberal globalization, intensifying an already unfolding reconfiguration of global integration toward what this paper conceptualizes as decentralized globalization: a shift from a U.S.-centered, WTO-centric order to a more polycentric architecture anchored in strategic regionalism. By imposing tariffs on both rivals and allies, the U.S. exercised residual hegemonic power while simultaneously revealing the limits of its capacity to steer the global economy in an era of deep interdependence and multipolar competition. Adaptive responses from allies and adversaries illustrate this trajectory through increased reliance on regionally embedded strategies to reduce vulnerability to external disruptions while preserving cross-border connectivity. These adjustments are evident in the proliferation of regional trade agreements, the restructuring of global value chains, currency diversification, and the emergence of alternative governance arrangements. The paper argues that globalization is not reversing but reorganizing into a multinodal world economy, in which strategic regionalism functions as the principal mechanism consolidating decentralized globalization by balancing continued global integration with enhanced geopolitical control and geoeconomic resilience.
The recent growth of the investment migration industry is closely linked to the inequality in the rights and obligations linked to different citizenships. In a world where inequalities are spatialised, the space where one is allowed to live is the most significant determinant of prosperity, education, safety and economic success. Citizenships are keys to spaces and thus the core tool of global inequalities today: a personal legal status that opens some spaces while rendering other borders impenetrable. In the absolute majority of cases, citizenship is ascribed at birth and is never changed—global inequalities are thus mainly based on blood: the aristocracy principle. Your pedigree determines whether you will be allowed to access the spaces of opportunity. This distribution of vital resources, life chances and rights is in direct opposition to the foundational values of all liberal democratic constitutions today, but remains the sole principle known to the global system of citizenship and migration law, which persecute the ‘low born’, who are usually not white. The discrepancy between different citizenship statuses is significantly reinforced by the phenomenon of intercitizenships, which consists of the mutual co-extension of citizenship rights by the states that issue the best citizenships in the world. A Norwegian citizen has full residence rights in forty destinations, including some of the richest states in the world, while a Comorian has no residence rights in any state other than his home country. The status assigned to you at birth either makes you a victim of low-quality citizenship or, for the lucky few, part of the global aristocracy. We argue that the phenomenon of investment migration is directly linked to the profound discrepancy between the global aristocracy and the victims of citizenship: without these victims, there would be no citizenship-by-investment.
Mount Merapi in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, is one of the most world hazardous volcanoes, necessitating inclusive disaster policies. This study examines the state’s role in disaster governance using the state feminism framework to analyze how women’s participation as autonomous pressure groups across socio-economic classes influences policy outcome. We argue that true empowerment which ensures women’s resilience not only as individuals in disaster contexts but also in relation to economic distribution and social equity is crucial in shaping state intervention. Using qualitative research method, data were collected through structured group discussions and in-depth interviews with 38 survivors of the Merapi eruption, along with four key informants from government and disaster-related organizations. The findings reveal that ostensibly Indonesia pro-women policies risk devolving into mechanisms of pseudo-empowerment. Rather than fostering genuine collective mobilization and substantive equitable redistribution, such policies may inadvertently reinforce prevailing market-driven and individualized approaches to disaster intervention. This study thus contributes to the critical literature on disaster governance by underscoring the imperative for state interventions that are responsive not only to gendered vulnerabilities but also to underlying economic and structural inequalities.
Non-cognitive skills are crucial for both educational success and personal fulfilment. Collectively, they constitute an essential skill set that enables students to excel academically and engage as active citizens. Although studies have explored the development of these critical skills, few have harnessed the potential of machine learning techniques. Accordingly, the current study aims to identify the most influential factors that affect non-cognitive skills using a broad range of determinants. Conventional Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and supervised machine learning algorithms, including Least Absolute Shrinkage and Selection Operator (LASSO), Gradient Boosting Machine (GBM), and Random Forest (RF), were employed to evaluate the predictive performance using data drawn from the Programme for International Student Assessment 2022 (N=75,217). Findings indicate that variables across different groups contributed significantly to students’ non-cognitive skills, with cognitive-motivational traits emerging as the most influential predictor group. In terms of model performance, results demonstrate that advanced machine learning techniques outperformed conventional statistical analysis in identifying and ranking key predictors. Overall, this study highlights the complex, multifaceted nature of non-cognitive skills by identifying several variable-level predictors. Moreover, application of machine learning algorithms in this context represents an effective, novel analytical approach that can serve as foundation for future studies.
Although in a constant flux of change and transformation, globalization is undergoing a phase that prominent scholars define as “re-globalization” or “de-globalization.” Yet, the research addressing the emergence of a new form of social (collective) imaginary, the “techno-symbolic global imaginary”, which is supported by the “algorithmic ideology” of ‘digital (global) capitalism’, requires deeper and more nuanced investigation. While acknowledging the importance of the economic aspect of globalization, this paper, as a methodological intervention, explores the relationship between aesthetic practices and the global media industry to better understand how digital technology is affecting structures of power and, at a deep-subjective level, people’s social imaginaries and ideologies. It investigates how the new spirit of capitalism is inscribed in the global fabric of search algorithms, leading to the “re-globalization” of the world as never experienced before. To support my argument, I examine the current visual-discursive regime of the ‘global’ by conducting a step-by-step analytical comparative case study that shows how, both in the United Stated and in The People’s Republic of China, in different sociopolitical contexts and visual regimes, the new paradigm shift of reglobalization needs to be better understood and explained.
The concept of ‘brain drain’ has long dominated various discourses on migration of skilled individuals and professionals. Conventionally, policymakers and scholars have warned that emigration of educated talent diminishes the developmental prospects of the originating country. This study highlights the growing critique of the very foundation of the ‘brain drain’ concept by contesting the premise that people’s talent constitutes a monolithic national resource. It argues that all individuals possess inherent rights to free mobility and job autonomy, and their skills and talents should neither be owned, nor controlled by state authorities. With universalization of these rights and principles the concept of brain drain becomes obsolete and untenable, instead countries may adopt policies that incentivize the return of skilled emigrants back home. The article has a clear red-thread, helping readers to follow a well-structured convincing argument. It starts with manifesting the universality and inviolability of human rights and freedom of movement, including the right to leave own country, as a central foundation of the critique of ‘brain drain’. The article continues with an argument to stop using ‘brain drain’ discourse and utilize instead ‘brain circulation’, presenting representative examples of policies in both origin and destination countries, encouraging skilled migration for the benefit of all. It also addresses the sports migration as an example of win-win enterprise. The article presents the case study of India as an excellent illustration how to end the ‘brain drain’ excuses. Finally, some conclusions and recommendations for future research are listed.
This paper provides an analytical framework to examine the relationship between structural inequality (SI) and the international mobility (IM) of the wealthy and technical talent from Asia. My argument is that since the deregulation of the 1980s new structures of inequality have been established with broad economic reforms under a neoliberal form of "globalization." While many Asian economies have benefited from global opportunities, there have been considerable disruptions in labor markets. The net effect in several Asian countries with large workforces has been the reinforcement of pre-existing inequality in the context of increasing technological capabilities and selective but enormous wealth creating opportunities for a few. Using empirical materials from four Asian countries, namely China, India, Japan, and South Korea, I show that the international mobility of the wealthy and talent is related to if not caused by the new structures of inequality, where the wealthy are becoming wealthier and disruptions in labor markets are generating informal and precarious forms of work. Notwithstanding the lack of systematic data, a basic political economy framework applied to SI and IM demonstrates that the multi-layered processes of inequality at the global and nationals level create the conditions for international mobility.
In recent times, global warming has received greater attention from economies as it could greatly affect the socioeconomic aspect of economies. Considering that corruption is a problem that can promote the rate of ecological damage in a country, the efficient distribution of domestic funds to investors utilizing energy-saving equipment can lessen the impact of pollution. Yet, owing to the high level of corruption in the selected African economies (Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, Algeria, and Morocco), domestic financing may not be available to such prospective investors. Therefore, inspired by the growing threats to environmental quality, this study examines the mitigating effects of financial development (FD) and corruption control (CC) on the ecological footprint (EF) of these leading African economies. The research aims to provide empirical evidence to guide policymakers in formulating strategies that balance economic progress, environmental preservation, and resource utilization. We used the dynamic seemingly unrelated regression (DSUR), cross-sectional autoregressive distributive lag, and the Dumitrescu and Hurlin panel causality test using panel data from 1996 to 2021. The empirical findings surprisingly unveiled that financial development deteriorates environmental quality (a positive relationship between FD and EF), and the relationship between corruption control and ecological footprint is more complex when it comes to correlating it with ecological footprints. In other scenarios, attempts to curb corruption might overlap with the increasing ecological footprints owing to a low institutional preparedness, ineffective means of enforcement, or misuse of resources in transitional economies. This is an indication that corruption control may not result in immediate environmental gain in the event that there is a lack of a robust structural framework of financial and governmental systems. The results of the estimations also confirm the inverted U-shaped linkage between economic growth and ecological footprint in the sampled countries. In addition, financial development stimulates environmental sustainability through the interacting role of inflation through financial efficiency and monitoring mechanisms (negative relationship between the interaction term FD*INF and EF). Meanwhile, corruption control reduces the harmful ecological effect of financial development through indirect effects (negative relationship between the interaction term FD*CC and EF). The results of the causality test show that ecological footprint and corruption control, as well as economic growth, share a bidirectional causal relationship. Unidirectional causality is found from inflation to ecological footprint. Such a study is relevant to the body of literature on environmental economics because it presents novel information about the relationship between the quality of institutions and financial systems in the context of ecological footprint discussions in developing economies. In practice, the research is relevant to policymakers who enforce institutional relaxation, effective monitoring systems, and corruption control measures to achieve the twin goals of financial development and a sustainable environment.
Since the Cold War, many developing countries have experienced a new wave of democratization, with latecomer states adopting liberal reforms to establish or enhance democratic systems centered on competitive elections. After the establishment of democratic systems, some developing countries have achieved political stability, economic development, and social progress; however, other latecomer democratic countries have fallen into governance dilemmas such as social cleavage, economic stagnation, and state corruption. To address what drives differences in democratic governance among developing countries, this paper employs new institutionalism as its main theoretical foundation, exploring how institutional co-optation of power elites affects democratic governance through the interactive dynamics between actors and institutions. By comparing Chile and Argentina, the author argues that when a democratic system achieves institutional co-optation of power elites, these elites tend to favor institutional alliances and formal cooperation. This behavior helps enhance state capacity and promotes the orderly development of democratic governance. Through this comparative study, the author proposes a type of democracy in which "institutional co-optation of power elites" serves as the main variable. This serves to integrate and summarize the institutional constraints of co-optation while exploring the potential impact of interactions between power elites and democratic institutions in developing countries on democratic governance.
This article examines China’s environmental diplomacy through the Green Silk Road (GSR), a relatively recent yet strategically significant aspect of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). While existing literature has extensively analysed the economic and geopolitical dimensions of the BRI, the environmental narrative remains underexplored, especially concerning China’s international role. Drawing on Role Theory and Moral Realism, this study investigates how China’s efforts to “green” the BRI serve as a mechanism of role adjustment, aligning its self-perception with changing international expectations of responsible power conduct. Using a primarily qualitative methodology that combines content analysis, expert interviews, and a targeted online survey, the article explores the GSR’s impact on China’s global image and its positioning as an emerging environmental leader. Focusing on three regions—Central Asia, Latin America, and Europe—the analysis shows how environmental projects influence perceptions of China’s legitimacy and leadership. Although the GSR seems to enhance China’s international image, scepticism remains about the sincerity of its environmental commitments. The study argues that the GSR marks both a strategic and normative shift in China’s foreign policy, with consequences for global environmental governance and the changing political landscape in the Asia–Pacific and beyond.
