In the prison subculture, informal institutions have spontaneously evolved to mitigate levels of violence and potential confrontations between inmates. First, rookies (new prisoners) are subjected to initiation tests, which try to measure their rigidity (bravery) and cunning (intelligence) and assign to the appropriate subcultural group. Membership in a group of grypsmen signals the rigidity of prisoners and discourages fighting between the grypsmen or the resistance from members of lower groups. Experienced prisoners perfect eristics within the framework of prison argot, which allows them to turn real confl icts into verbal duels, use informal arbitration and learn to pretend aggression towards freshmen. All prisoners are trying to join the defensive coalitions. Inmates also perform spectacular self-injuries in accordance with secret procedures, faking desperation, but in fact minimizing damage to health and trying to get some benefi ts from the prosecutor or prison authorities. The collected empirical material comes from the prisons in Warsaw (Rakowiecka) and Białołęka, where the author spent fi ve months in 1985 as a political prisoner.
Though I had hired chambers in the fort and a house in Girgaum, God would not let me settle down.Scarcely had I moved into my new house when my second son Manilal, who had already been through an acute attack of smallpox some years back, had a severe attack of typhoid, combined with pneumonia and signs of delirium at night.The doctor was called in.He said medicine would have little effect, but eggs and chicken broth might be given with profi t.Manilal was only ten years old.To consult his wishes was out of the question.Being his guardian I had to decide.The doctor was a very good Parsi.I told him that we were all vegetarians and that I could not possibly give either of the two things to my son.Would he therefore recommend something else? ‚Your son's life is in danger,' said the good doctor.‚We could give him milk diluted with water, but that will not give him enough nourishment.As you know, I am called in by many Hindu families, and they do not object to anything I prescribe.I think you will be well advised not to be so hard on your son.' ‚What you say is quite right,' said I. ‚As a doctor you could not do otherwise.But my responsibility is very great.If the boy had been grown up, I should certainly have tried to ascertain his wishes and respected them.But here I have to think and decide for him.To my mind it is only on such occasions, that a man's faith is truly tested Rightly or wrongly it is part of my religious conviction that man may not eat meat, eggs, and the like.There should be a limit even means of keeping ourselves alive.Even for itself we may not so certain things.Religion, as I understand it, does not permit me to use meat or eggs for me or mine even on occasions like this, and I must therefore take the risk that you say is likely.But I beg of you one thing.As I cannot avail myself of your treatment, I propose to try some hydropathic remedies which I happen to know.But I shall not know how to examine the boy's pulse, chest, lungs, etc.If you will kindly look in from time to time to examine him and keep me informed of his condition, I shall be grateful to you.
The primacy effect has long been considered a decisive factor in determining election outcomes and has consequently developed a robust literature dedicated to studying it in different scenarios and contexts. However, existing research has offered limited insight into how the choice of voting method, particularly by-mail voting, may infl uence its impact on elections by altering how and when voters participate. This article fi rst reviews why the primacy effect exists, how researchers identify its infl uence, and its overall impact on election outcomes. It then discusses why the use of by-mail voting should be expected to alter the primacy effect, and analyzes two works where this relationship has been explored. Their results highlight several of the issues faced when trying to examine this relationship, but also indicate that further study is warranted and likely to be fruitful.
The main aim of this study is to replicate the effect shown by Traczyk et al. (2018), where individuals with higher statistical numeracy, compared to individuals with lower statistical numeracy, employed a more effortful choice strategy when outcomes were meaningful. I hypothesize that participants with higher numeracy will be more likely to make choices predicted by Cumulative Prospect Theory and Expected Value theory (CPT/EV) in high-payoff problems than in low-payoff problems. Data collection was done online by appointing 73 participants. Participants’ preference, fluid intelligence, objective and subjective numeracy were measured using thirteen high and eleven low payoff choice problems, International Cognitive Ability Resource (ICAR), Berlin Numeracy Test (BNT), and Subjective Numeracy Scale (SNS), respectively. All the measures mentioned above were presented randomly. Results showed that all participants, in high-payoff condition, on average maximized EV; however, participants with high BNT scores were more likely to make choices consistent with CPT/EV predictions than individuals with low BNT scores. Furthermore, compared to less numerate participants, highly numerate participants were less likely to make choices consistent with CPT/EV predictions in low-payoff condition. Highly numerate individuals adjusted their choice strategy by modulating their response time, indicating their discernible sensitivity towards large asymmetry in payoff. In conclusion, the effect shown by Traczyk et al. (2018) was successfully replicated.
Z sylwetki Gary'ego Beckera, która niedawno została opublikowana na łamach czasopisma "Decyzje", dowiadujemy się, że "Sednem podejścia ekonomicznego Beckera są trzy założenia, które konsekwentnie przyjmował i których nigdy nie porzucił: o maksymalizacji użyteczności, o istnieniu stabilnych preferencji decydenta oraz o dążeniu rynku do stanu równowagi" (Domurat, 2020, s. 97
