The noun panna is documented mainly in Latin graffiti, in an area covering Hispania, Gaul, Germania Superior, Noricum, and Britannia. In Roman times, this lexeme (the ancestor of English pan and German Pfanne) is only known from epigraphic sources. This fact, combined with the word's territorial distri-bution, has led to a debate about its etymology, with the predominant hypoth-esis being that panna is a corruption of Classical Latin patina or a uox peregrina-or more specifically, a Celtic loan. This debate, which has been active since the beginning of the 2Oth century, is still unresolved, and references to the matter are scattered across many publications. In the present paper, we present the status quaestionis regarding this lexicological issue, reconstruct the history of the word panna from antiquity to the present day, and correct the pertinent article of the Thesaurus linguae Latinae, published in 1984. We conclude that interpreting the form panna as a vulgarism-and possibly as a regionalism-is more plausible than viewing it as a Celtic loan.*
The adjective pi rho upsilon mu nu omicron sigma at the root/base' has no commonly accepted etymology, but its syntax, semantics and pattern of attestation are suggestive of an archaism. After reviewing the problems with existing analyses, I submit that it reflects *k(w)rp-mn-o- derived from the Indo-European root *k(w)rep-(Greek pi rho epsilon pi omega 'to be conspicuous, Arm. erewim 'to appear'), for which I propose to reconstruct a proto-meaning 'to protrude'. Moreover, I argue that pi rho epsilon mu nu omicron nu 'stump, base' is related to pi rho upsilon mu nu omicron sigma vos, reflecting *k(w)rep-mn-o-m. In section 1, I discuss the syntax and semantics of pi rho upsilon mu nu omicron sigma in Homer. Then follows a review of the problems with existing etymological interpretations (section 2) and a discussion of the phonological and semantic issues raised by the proposed reconstructions of pi rho upsilon mu nu omicron sigma and pi rho epsilon mu nu omicron nu (section 3). Finally, in section 4 it is proposed that kappa alpha rho pi omicron sigma 'wrist' < *k(w)rp-o-also derives from the same root.
This paper investigates the origin of the Old Latin amasso-type formations amassim, c & umacr;rassis, seruassit, etc.), which correspond in meaning and function to sigmatic future indicatives such as faxo, respexis, rupsit, etc. and subjunctives such as faxim, dixis, surrepsit, etc. Although there is general agreement that these forms are of analogical origin, most previous accounts fail to cogently explain the occurrence of geminate -ss- following a long vowel. Re-evaluating the distribution of intervocalic sibilants in pre-Classical Latin, including the treatment and nativization of Greek loanwords with intervocalic s, this paper argues against deriving amasso from the present stem amaplus the -s- of faxo, respexis, rupsit, with some exceptional treatment of -s-. Instead, it proposes that amasso reflects a morphological reformation based on the `t-stem' (amat-) of the perfect passive participle. By analogy with forms such as faxo (interpreted as underlying /fact-so/), speakers created /amat-so/, which developed regularly into amasso. This analysis not only resolves the formal anomaly of the amasso type but also underscores the synchronic productivity of the participial t-stem in Latin verbal and nominal morphology.*
The retention of -ss- in the Aeolic dialects implies that Proto-Aeolic had s-stem dative plurals with -ss- (&veso-ot). Yet the Lesbian lyric poets only have forms with a single -s- (&vesot). In an influential study, Morpurgo Davies argued that the &vesotv-type is native to Lesbian and used these forms as crucial evidence for the simplification of -ss- in Proto-Aeolic. However, a closer look at the epigraphic and literary evidence strongly suggests that &vesotv in Lesbian lyric is a poetic borrowing from Ionic and that Proto-Aeolic maintained -ss- in the dative plural of the s-stems. These findings have important implications for the history of Proto-Greek, Proto-Aeolic, and our understanding of the poetic dialect of Sappho and Alcaeus. *
This paper examines the Latin word bacar, which is said by ancient glossaries to denote a type of wine vessel similar to a bacrio. Variants such as bacario/ bacarium further reinforce the association with wine containers. The discus-sion then turns to the etymological relationship between bacar and ba(c)ca, a term cited by Varro as a Hispanic word for `wine'. In this connection, par-ticular attention is paid to the potential link between bacar and the Iberian word baikar, as suggested by their phonetic resemblance. Significantly, baikar is attested exclusively on small drinking vessels. Taken together, the informa-tion from Latin sources regarding the Hispanic origin of ba(c)ca `wine' and the semantic appropriateness of bacar `wine vessel' in relation to the attesta-tions of Iberian baikar support the idea that all these words ultimately belong together.*
