The present paper provides a brief overview of the Indo-European adjectival suffix *-i̯o-, emphasizing its often-neglected presence in the Anatolian languages. It aims at uncovering certain suffix chains formed with the same adjectival suffix, such as *-nt-i̯o- and *-eh₂-i̯o-, which have not been properly established so far within the framework of Anatolian morphology. The existence of the latter chain *-eh₂-i̯oin more than one Anatolian language and its remarkable productivity in Luwian are further compared with Ancient Greek formations in -αιος. Ultimately, the analysis presented here in a broader Indo-European context contributes not only to a better understanding of Anatolian derivational morphology but also to its lexicon.
Slavic nǫ-perfectives, one of the two main sources of Leskien’s Class II, continue a Balto-Slavic class of derived verbs characterized by present stem *‑ne/a‑ (< post-PIE *‑nu̯-e/o‑) and aorist-infinitive *‑nau̯‑ (< PIE *‑neu̯ ‑). This class most likely continues PIE nu-factitives, a type best preserved in Anatolian. Baltic causatives and factitives in ‑inti, ‑ina go back to this class as well. Bl. *‑in‑ originated in reanalysis of pres. *‑ina as *‑in‑a. Pres. *‑ina, in its turn, is a historically composite suffix consisting of *‑i(‑) (< Bl.-Sl. *‑ī(t) < PIE 3sg. *‑ei̯e‑ti) and *‑na‑ (< Bl.-Sl. *‑ne/a‑). Baltic suggests that nu-verbs were still used to form deadjective factitives in Balto-Slavic.
This article addresses the Lycian nominal forms zum̃mẽ and zum̃mã, designating an act of depredation against a burial installation, but lacking precise translation and etymology. It is proposed here to link these terms to the PIE root *ti̯egu̯ - ‘to withdraw, leave’ (cf. Gk. σέβομαι, Ved. tyájati), and to translate the expression zum̃mẽ/ã a(i)- (di) as ‘to perform a removal (of the door), to open.’ This would then be the counterpart of the Greek verbs ἀνοίγω and ἐπανοίγω frequently attested in Lycian epitaphs from the early Hellenistic period onwards. Beyond Lycian, the Proto- Luwic root *tseu̯- might be found in several other Luwic terms.
This paper reopens the question of possible onomastic relics of the Crimean Goths preserved in Byzantine epigraphy of the peninsula. Along with revisiting earlier scholarship, the authors present and discuss several personal names of likely Gothic origin spanning the time from the 4th to the 15th century C.E., and attempt to outline a series of conclusions based on their typology, location, date, and the social position of their bearers in Byzantine Taurica.
The present article argues that the vocalic oblique singular ending (-a ~ -ə ~ -ë, depending on the language) in a number of Nuristani and Dardic languages (Ashkun-Wamai, Waigali including the varieties of Want, Nisheygram etc, Gawar- Bati, Dameli) comes from the Old Indo-Iranian ablative singular *-āt of the a-stems and-in some languages-also from the instrumental singular *-ā of the same noun class. Due to phonological reasons, this derivation is to be preferred over a connection with the genitive singular *-asya. It is further shown that the oblique singular of the aforementioned languages is related to the ablative singular in languages like Prasun, and that a development “ablative/ablative-instrumental/instrumental (> genitive) > oblique” is far from uncommon in the history of the Indo-Iranian languages of the greater Hindukush region.
