This paper investigates the question of whether the widespread modern realization of * hw ‐ with a velar or uvular fricative [xw‐], [??w‐] in Welsh and Breton is sufficiently early to be shared or if it is late and due to independent developments. The paper argues in favour of an early terminus ante quem for the development * hw ‐ > * xw ‐ in Breton, before the establishment of Middle Breton spelling conventions. This is based upon the attested spelling patterns and upon what appears to be an early analogical back‐formation requiring a stage with phonetic [xw‐] or [??w‐] for * hw ‐. Accordingly, the Breton material appears to indicate a relatively early date for the change, compatible with it being part of a late, common Neo-Brittonic development.
Several river names in Germany (e.g., Inn , in antiquity Aenus ) and Austria (e.g., Enns , in antiquity and the Middle Ages Anisa , Anisus ), but also in Lithuania (e.g. Anatà , Anýkšté ) and in Ukraine ( Onut ) were traditionally analyzed as continuing the ‘hydronymic root PIE * en ‐/* on ‐’. This root, however, is a ghost-root, even if it is reconstructed according to current conventions as PIE * h 1 en ( H )‐. The Central European names are most probably of Celtic origin and go back to PIE * pen ‐ ‘swamp, slowly flowing water’. It became obvious that another root might play a role in this context as well, namely PIE * h 2 en ‐ ‘to haul (water)’: This root might theoretically be the basis of all semantically fitting appellatives whose preform has an onset PCelt. * an ‐ (< PIE * h 2 en ‐), PGerm./PBalt./PSlav. * an ‐ (< PIE * h 2 en ‐/* h 2 on ‐) or PCelt. * on ‐ (< PIE * h 2 on ‐). This reconstruction would also work for names mentioned above, Germ. Enns / Anisa , Lith. Anatà , Anýkšté , Ukrain. Onut. And it might also explain Gaul. Anam ‘swamp’ and MIr. an f. ‘water, urine’.
This paper revisits several equations, old and new, of Gaulish personal names with the data obtained from the earliest Indo-Iranian languages. Formal and semantic aspects of the comparisons are discussed, and this allows us to reconsider a number of etymologies suggested for Gaulish anthroponymy. Besides, some of the names turn out to be not linguistically Celtic, and arguments against their Celticity are provided. The mechanisms underlying formations of Gaulish (and Celtic in general) parallels with Indo-Iranian are also considered.
The name of the Iceni , a well known Celtic people in south-east Early Britain (Norfolk, Suffolk, and parts of Cambridgeshire), 1 has never found a convincing etymology. Here is a fresh proposal.
This paper considers the Old Irish expression mór ní + relative clause, commonly interpreted as an exclamative clause. It offers a new interpretation of its origin and syntax.
