This article examines the perception and outlook of late Qing intellectuals on the construction of railways, by analyzing the examination papers from essay contests held at the Shanghai Polytechnic Institute between 1886 and 1894. Founded through the collaboration of officials and civilians, the Shanghai Polytechnic Institute began organizing these essay contests in 1886, showcasing its commitment to promoting Western knowledge. During a time of shifting policy in China, the themes of the contests often centered on "science" and "current affairs". Consequently, railways, which embodied both these themes, became a central topic for examiners. The essay contests on railway issues can be divided into two stages. Prior to Emperor Guangxu's alteration of railway policy in 1889, the focus was on advocating for the acceptance of railways in China. Following this policy change, the Qing government began to formally prepare for railway construction, and essay topics on route selection, construction methods, and responses to the advent of the Russian Trans-Siberian Railway began to appear. These contests demonstrated a concerted approach to fostering an understanding of railways before the establishment of official railway schools in China, indicating that late Qing China undertook various efforts to develop expertise in railways.
When the Jian-Wei (sic) (sic)Prefecture was established, it was positioned as one of the "first prefectures JJI3" responsible for dealing with the West-South Yi (sic)(sic)(sic). However, Jian-Wei Prefecture was later be positioned as the "prefecture of scholar-officials +/- k ," and also one of "three Shu", made famous in the saying "the Han picks eight officials, four of them from Shu". What historical development transformed the role of the Jian-wei over the course of the period from its establishment to the Eastern Han? This article focuses on the establishment and the movement of the capital of the prefecture and discusses the functional evolution of the Jian-Wei prefecture during Two-Han period. This article first argues that the establishment of the Jian-Wei Prefecture and Guan-Han f; Prefecture should be fixed at 134 to 132 B.C.E. The purpose of mobilizing these resources was to collect the resources in the Ba-Shu(sic)J area for managing the area of West-South Yi. After Han conquered the West-South Yi region, Jian-Wei prefecture still governed several "first counties JJ(sic)", possibly due to the Han dynasty's control over the transportation routes to the West-South Yi region. With the deepening hierarchical administrative relationship of prefectures and counties during the reign of Emperor Wu ;(sic)(sic)(sic), the prefectural government moved from the highlands of the southwestern barbarian lands to the basin, exhibiting a trend towards "prefecture internalization" in both function and space, gradually displaying characteristics distinct from other "initial prefectures. " In the southern non-Han inhabited areas of the prefecture, there was originally a Du-Wei (sic)(sic) responsible for local affairs. As the prefectural government moved inward and Jian-Wei Prefecture became the primary administrative level, the Du-Wei's role shifted to Bu-Du-Wei (sic)(sic)(sic) specifically responsible for non-Han ethnic groups. During the reign of Emperor An ;(sic)(sic), it was further restructured into a special administrative unit called Shu-Guo (sic)(sic), establishing the functional differentiation of Jian-Wei Prefecture division.
This article aims to analyze the composition and group characteristics of the Neo-Confucian network of the Cheng brothers (sic)(sic) (sic)I(1032-1085, 1033-1107) during the Xining (sic)(sic) period (1068-1077). It first identifies three core components of this academic network: the L & uuml; clan from Donglai (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), the Han clan from Zhendian (sic)(sic)(sic) (sic), and the northwestern scholar-official group represented by Zhang Zai (sic)(sic)(1020-1077). These groups were closely linked through blood ties and marital connections, forming a stable network further reinforced through recommendations, social interactions, and scholarly exchanges. Moreover, these network members demonstrated a high degree of alignment with the Cheng brothers in their political stances, particularly in their shared shift from initially supporting Wang Anshi's(sic)(sic)(sic)(1021-1086) reforms to later opposing them. Around the fifth year of Xining (1072)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), many of these individuals chose to retreat to Luoyang, forming an academic community that subtly opposed Wang Anshi's New Learning (sic)(sic). Previous studies have primarily focused on the Cheng brothers' interactions with individual literati such as Sima Guang (sic)(sic)(sic) (1019-1086) and Shao Yong (sic) (sic) (1011-1077) or have analyzed their intellectual network from the perspective of the so-called "Old Party" (sic) (sic). There are two predominant scholarly interpretations: one argues that this group was driven by class interests, forming a political faction centered on defending the privileges of aristocratic scholar-officials; the other contends that these individuals sought to counter Wang Anshi's New Learning (sic)(sic) and New Policies (sic)7 by exerting their own moral and cultural influence as a counterbalance to political power. However, these interpretations often overlook the kinship and marriage ties that had already existed among the Cheng brothers and their intellectual associates before the Xining era. This study argues that such social-structural factors provided the initial foundation for subsequent political and academic alliances, rather than emerging only as a reaction to factional conflicts during the reform period. By re-examining the kinship and marriage relationships within the Cheng brothers' intellectual network, this study aims to introduce a more nuanced perspective from family and social history, thereby contributing to a more comprehensive understanding of the early formation of the "Old Party" and the Luoyang School (sic)(sic).
Influenced by Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859) and Charles Darwin (1809-1882), research in the natural sciences became integrated with empiricism. Scientific expeditions were carried out across the world, attracting naturalists from across Europe. When Taiwan was opened to international trade in the 1860s, the island drew the attention of Europeans for the second time. Taiwan is located at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia and is therefore of strategic and political importance. The Tropic of Cancer runs through the middle of the island, which means that both tropical and subtropical climates prevail there. Above a certain altitude, there are even characteristics of temperate climates. Taiwan's fauna and flora are therefore diverse. The fact that Han Chinese and Austronesian peoples populate the island at the same time made it of interest to ethnologists. Against this historical background, a German-Jewish botanist, Otto Warburg (1859-1939), visited Taiwan in 1888. The main purpose of his stay was to observe the vegetation and collect plant specimens. At the time, Taiwan was undergoing a period of transformation. After Taiwan became an independent province, the economic center was moved to the north under the leadership of Governor Liu Ming-Chuang (sic) (sic). Various modernization measures were undertaken. After his return to Europe, Warburg reported on his experiences in Taiwan at the Berlin Geographical Society. He donated his botanical collection to the Berlin Botanic Garden and Botanical Museum. In addition, he was commissioned by the Ethnological Museum in Berlin to collect utensils used by the indigenous peoples of Taiwan, which are now housed in the museum. Based on the manuscript of Warburg's speech published in the journal Zeitschriftf & uuml;r Erdkunde zu Berlin and his ethnological collection, the following work presents his observations of Taiwan, analyzing them in light of the relevant literature. Finally, an annotated Chinese translation is included to provide a comprehensive representation of the botanist's views on the island in the late phase of Chinese rule.
In October 1949, the Communist Party established a new regime in mainland China. In order to maintain the stability of the regime, the government developed a number of political, economic, and cultural campaigns, which directly changed the living environment of Buddhists. Changes in land ownership made it impossible for monasteries to rely on income from field rents, and the Five-anti Campaign and the subsequent reform of the ownership system plunged the fledgling Sangha's production efforts into a quagmire, resulting in major changes in the economic conditions of the monasteries in Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions. While land rents, donations from lay Buddhists, incense and production income were under attack, the economic importance of the Buddhist ritual services for the monastic community became even more obvious. Although Buddhist organizations were subjected to transformations and controls through various social movements in the seven or eight years after the establishment of the Chinese Communist regime, Buddhist ritual service continued to exist and became an important form of religious practice for the Sangha, as well as a source of financial support for their livelihood. In modern history, the economic significance of the Buddhist ritual service to monks, nuns and monasteries, as well as its significance for their spiritual practice should not be underestimated.
