RÉSUMÉ: En Algérie, le principe d'égalité entre hommes et femmes est constamment proclamé, depuis la première Constitution de 1963, de même que l'islam religion de l'État, ce qui interroge les rapports entre ces deux dispositions, leur compatibilité, notamment depuis la promulgation d'un Code de la famille inégalitaire, en 1984. Cette question est longtemps demeurée théorique, à défaut de contrôle de constitutionnalité. Or, la révision constitutionnelle de 2016 a depuis considérablement étendu les conditions de saisine du Conseil constitutionnel, notamment en introduisant l'exception d'inconstitutionnalité, entrée en vigueur en 2019. Le Conseil constitutionnel, devenu Cour depuis 2020, n'a cependant rendu aucune décision sur le fondement des dispositions discriminatoires du Code de la famille et comme pour mieux prévenir une telle exception, la révision constitutionnelle de 2020 prévoit désormais qu'il est possible de déroger aux droits et libertés garantis par la Constitution, par une loi, afin de préserver l'ordre public, la sécurité et les constantes nationales. Or, quelles sont ces constantes ? L'islam, à la fois religion de l'État et, depuis 1996, première composante du triptyque identitaire algérien, en constitue probablement un élément, mais selon quelle interprétation? L'introduction de l'exception d'inconstitutionnalité interroge dès lors l'effectivité juridique du principe d'égalité entre hommes et femmes, notamment eu égard à la place de la religion de l'État et à la détermination des constantes nationales.
RÉSUMÉ: La proclamation de l'indépendance de l'Algérie sonne aussi le glas des empires coloniaux. L'écroulement des empires coloniaux modifie sensiblement la carte géopolitique de la planète. Maints nouvels États – dont l'Algérie – proclament la construction du socialisme. Au début Moscou est hésitant, mais l'option des Cubains pour le socialisme et la solidarité exprimée de Ben Bella lors de la crise des missiles à Castro donnent de grades espéreances – renforcées par le mouvement autogestionnaires – aux Soviétiques et aux "pays frères": la réalisation possible de la version cubaine du système socialiste en Algérie. L'échec de l'expérienace de Ben Bella est choquant, mais une certaine espérence reste après le coup d'État du 19 juin 1965 aussi.
ABSTRACT: Between 1999 and 2015, Algeria implemented a policy of behavioural deradicalization called the National Reconciliation to put an end to violent extremism. This strategy aimed to offer incentives to the jihadi groups in exchange for their surrender. Over 15,000 former jihadists benefitted from this strategy with fewer than 300 relapsing into violent extremism. This paper argues that a key element of the National Reconciliation's success was due to the fact that former emirs who worked closely with disengaged jihadi networks were able to convey the post-conflict social grievances of the latter to the authorities, who were open to addressing their concerns and facilitating their social reintegration. This 'three-dimensional relationship' led to the success of the deradicalization process in Algeria. However, while the Algerian authorities were open to addressing their social and economic grievances, they consistently refused to satisfy other ones, especially those related to politics.
ABSTRACT: This article reconsiders the formation of 20th century French philosophy through the colonial and imperial history of Algeria. While figures such as Pierre Bourdieu and Jacques Derrida are routinely situated within a distinctly 'French' intellectual lineage, their formative encounters with colonial Algeria remain marginal in canonical accounts. As scholars have noted, they join a long list of major thinkers – among them Michel Foucault, Louis Althusser, Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Hélène Cixous, Albert Camus, and François Lyotard – whose intellectual trajectories were shaped by events in North Africa. Yet lectures, textbooks, and reference works continue to foreground their 'Frenchness', often relegating North Africa to an anecdote or backdrop. Focusing on Derrida's concept of différance and Bourdieu's concept of habitus , this article argues that French colonization was not merely a biographical detail but a constitutive horizon for theorizing alterity. In colonial Algeria, the categories of citizen and subject, metropolitan and indigenous, civilized and primitive were violently institutionalized. Such structuring oppositions illuminate the stakes of Derrida's deconstructive critique of presence and identity, as well as Bourdieu's analysis of embodied dispositions formed within asymmetrical social fields. Bourdieu's Algerian studies, often dismissed as anthropological or pretheoretical, are here treated as foundational to his account of social reproduction and symbolic power. Likewise, Derrida's upbringing in French-governed Algeria complicates the easy attribution of his thought to a purely metropolitan context. By foregrounding Algeria as a generative site of philosophical production, this article reframes the development of 'French' theories of difference and practice as emerging from a colonial encounter. It contends that the concept of otherness in postwar French philosophy cannot be disentangled from the imperial conditions that structured both lived experience and theoretical reflection. In doing so, it contributes to a broader effort to provincialize France and to recognize Algeria's central role in shaping modern European thought. Modes of life inspire ways of thinking; modes of thinking create ways of living.
