Lachlan Duncan: A tale of two taqs: An OT-LFG account of plurals and distributives in K'ichee' Mayan

This paper investigates the distributive pluralizer taq (PL) of K’ichee’ Mayan. As a nominal pluralizer, the non-bound morpheme taq barely registers in the Mayanist literature, while the distributive taq (DISTR) is virtually non-existent. Semantically the distributive pluralizer taq pluralizes nominals that are ambiguous between collective and distributive readings. Morphosyntactically the distributive pluralizer taq is a phrasal particle that (left) adjoins to stringadjacent constituents. This contrasts with the morphosyntax of the distributive taq that I argue elsewhere is a non-projecting particle that (right) head-adjoins to verbs only. Using Optimality Theoretic Lexical-Functional Grammar (OTLFG), the complex phrasal distribution of the distributive pluralizer taq, which is unaccountable using phrase-structure rules alone, can be straightforwardly modeled using a modest number of universal constraints. This paper investigates the distributive pluralizer taq (PL) of K’ichee’ Mayan. 2 While little has been said about the non-bound morpheme taq as a nominal pluralizer in the grammars and dictionaries of the K’ichee’an language family, virtually nothing has been said about its use as a distributive (DISTR). The only substantive description of the morpheme taq is in Willson (2004, 2005), where it is interpreted as a distributive and a pluralizer. As a distributive, taq associates with verbs. As a pluralizer, taq follows adjectives, possessed nouns, relational nouns, prepositions, and ‘splits’ compound nouns. Judgment is reserved about whether taq is one morpheme with two uses, or two morphemes each with its own use. As for word type, Willson provisionally interprets taq as a clitic. Employing a variety of data and linguistic constructions, I demonstrate conventional use of the distributive pluralizer taq and show the categories of words that it associates with and the positions that it occupies in the phrase. As a nominal pluralizer (PL), I indicate that taq is used with wh-interrogatives, NPs, (possessive) DPs, relational nouns, QPs, PPs, and non-verbal predicates. I propose that the distributive pluralizer taq pluralizes nominals that are semantically ambiguous between collective and distributive readings. I argue that the distributive pluralizer taq is a phrasal particle that (left) adjoins to string-adjacent constituents. † I wish to thank George Aaron Broadwell for his assistance, and Ronald Kaplan and Michael Wescoat for their helpful comments. I am greatly indebted to my K’ichee’ Maya consultants, in particular Felipe and Juan Barreno García of Totonìcapán, Guatemala. All the usual disclaimers apply. 1 All K’ichee’ data are from the author’s field work, except (36). First, second, third person = 1, 2, 3, absolutive agreement marker = ABS, animate pluralizer (ee) = PLU, antipassive = AP, completive = COM, determiner = D(ET), distributive (taq) = DISTR, distributive pluralizer (taq) = PL, ergative agreement marker = ERG, incompletive aspect = INC, independent pronoun = PRO, interrogative = INT, irrealis = IRR, negative = NEG, nominalizing suffix = NOM, particle = PT, possessive = POS, transitive/intransitive phrase final marker = T/IPF, plural = -PL, preposition = P(REP), singular = S. 2 The distributive taq (DISTR) is not fully addressed in this paper due to space considerations. I propose elsewhere that the distributive taq (DISTR) is a non-projecting word, that it right head-adjoins to verbal predicates only, and that its semantics is representative of distributives cross-linguistically. The paper’s title reflects my hypothesis that the non-bound morpheme taq actually represents two words, that, although homophonous, differ in terms of semantics, word type, distribution, and syntax. 3 The exception is: ‘partícula que sirve para distribuir el efecto de un verbo, adjetivo, o preposición a las varias entitades de un sustantivo plural’ from García Hernández and Yac Sam (1980:144).