Constructing China's Indigenous Knowledge System (CIKS) is a goal proposed by the Communist Party of China after the country's rapid modernization. It aims to overcome the dependence on Western-origin social sciences that has persisted for over a century, and to establish a social science knowledge system to describe and explain China's transformation. Ideally, CIKS should have three characteristics: indigenous, systematic, and scientific. It should not be a closed or isolated knowledge system, but rather one that connects and engages in dialogue with social sciences in general, and reflects the laws governing human society-a "local globalization" knowledge system. If further advanced, CIKS could theoretically provide an important supplement to the current social science knowledge system, which has been based on the experiences of Western developed nations. Practically, it offers alternative experiences and pathways for latecomer countries pursuing modernization, especially considering the fundamental changes the digital age may bring. Nonetheless, achieving this goal will be a long and arduous process that requires an open and inclusive environment for knowledge production and continuous dialogue, exchange, and coexistence with the global academic community.
Understanding human attitudes, preferences, and behaviors through social surveys is essential for academic research and policymaking. Yet traditional surveys face persistent challenges, including fixed-question formats, high costs, limited adaptability, and difficulties ensuring cross-cultural equivalence. While recent studies explore large language models (LLMs) to simulate survey responses, most are limited to structured questions, overlook the entire survey process, and risks under-representing marginalized groups due to training data biases. We introduce AlignSurvey, the first benchmark that systematically replicates and evaluates the full social survey pipeline using LLMs. It defines four tasks aligned with key survey stages: social role modeling, semi-structured interview modeling, attitude stance modeling and survey response modeling. It also provides task-specific evaluation metrics to assess alignment fidelity, consistency, and fairness at both individual and group levels, with a focus on demographic diversity. To support AlignSurvey, we construct a multi-tiered dataset architecture: (i) the Social Foundation Corpus, a cross-national resource with 44K+ interview dialogues and 400K+ structured survey records; and (ii) a suite of Entire-Pipeline Survey Datasets, including the expert-annotated AlignSurvey-Expert (ASE) and two nationally representative surveys for cross-cultural evaluation. We release the SurveyLM family, obtained through two-stage fine-tuning of open-source LLMs, and offer reference models for evaluating domain-specific alignment. All datasets, models, and tools are available at github and huggingface to support transparent and socially responsible research.
This study proposes a domain-aligned framework for computational social science. It leverages Large Language Models (LLMs) to simulate social perception by grounding analysis in China's Common Prosperity agenda. A dual-track design is adopted, combining expert-led qualitative interviews with structured questionnaires. This process yields a corpus enriched with attitude labels and expert reasoning chains. These annotations enhance interpretability and subgroup fidelity, enabling both micro-level inference and macro-level distribution modeling. Several base LLMs are fine-tuned on this corpus and evaluated under a unified six-task pipeline. This pipeline covers social background and interview dialogue simulation, as well as the simulation of attitudes and survey answers at both individual and group levels. Across all tasks, the domain-aligned models are found to consistently outperform state-of-the-art general-purpose LLMs. These models excel in preserving heterogeneity, recovering latent signals in minority groups, and reproducing empirical distributions with low Wasserstein distance. These results demonstrate that LLMs trained on small but semantically rich corpora, are effective instruments for perception modeling and population-level inference, highlighting the potential for future research to deepen domain alignment and integrate LLM-based simulations more systematically with empirical social data.
Common prosperity has been a core theme in the Communist Party of China's governance for nearly a century, evolving from a social ideal into a strategic policy framework. Contrary to the perception that it is a recent political slogan, common prosperity reflects general and long-term commitments to addressing inequality and promoting shared development. This paper situates common prosperity within its historical trajectory and examines its implementation in China, with a particular focus on Zhejiang Province, the designated demonstration zone. Through an analysis of policy evolution, ideological shifts, and empirical cases, we argue that common prosperity is a dynamic and evolving policy framework rather than a static redistributive mechanism. While its full realization remains aspirational, its current trajectory demonstrates China's attempt to balance economic growth with equitable development. This study contributes to the debate by clarifying the conceptual foundations of common prosperity and assessing its practical implications for governance, economic regulation, and social equity through an evaluation of its policy practice.
We tell a distinct story of subsidy-induced market inefficiency using the case of rent-seeking shell cooperatives in China. We dynamically identify them from 13 million observations, and examine their crowding-out effects in the market decision and performance dimensions. We find that a doubling of subsidy leads to 0.3 more shell entrants and 0.2 more shell converts per village. This brings a 2.6% increase in the proportion of shell cooperatives, a corresponding 2.7% decline in the economic performance of non-shell cooperatives, and a 3.6% reduction in the subsidy effect. The prevalence of shell cooperatives can be attributed to the strategic behavior of cooperatives and farmers caused by information asymmetry (weak government regulation) and subsidy-seeking motivation. Among them, the advantaged farmers are the promoters and ultimate beneficiaries.
Research on political selection in China has mainly focused on local government leaders, with fewer studies on department heads. Using a mixed-method approach that combines regression analysis and interviews, this study examines the impact of organizational size on the political selection of provincial department heads. The findings show that leaders in smaller departments are more likely to be promoted. We argue that smaller departments, characterized by fewer internal conflicts and less complex structures that facilitate communication and coordination, are more conducive to innovation, attracting the attention of upper-level leaders who influence promotion decisions. This complements the logic of tournament theory, which highlights how performance on objective indicators can enhance the likelihood of promotion.
While innovation in government is well-studied, the distinction between innovation generation and borrowing is often overlooked. This study addresses this gap by proposing a newness-based conceptual framework and introducing an Automated Text Analysis Based Innovation Measurement method to empirically identify generation and borrowing through newness. An analysis of Chinese provincial 'Government Work Reports' from 2009 to 2022 reveals that organizational factors, particularly governors' characteristics and government size, influence innovation generation. Innovation borrowing, however, is affected by environmental and organizational factors. The empirical evidence highlights the importance of developing this distinction, to better understand innovations with differing determinants and implications.
The COVID-19 pandemic compelled nonprofit human service organizations (NPHS) to rapidly adapt to heightened service demands while prioritizing the well-being of their staff and volunteers. Although digital platforms hold promise in facilitating NPHS adaptation, little is known about their impact during the crisis. How and through what pathways do digital platforms help NPHS adapt their service roles in times of crisis? Did digital platforms with different types of sponsorship vary in the way they affect NPHS's roles? Our study, based on 94 interviews in China, reveals that digital platforms assisted NPHS through three pathways: reducing transaction costs in stakeholder engagement, mitigating information asymmetry in targeting service recipients, and promoting shared responsibility for volunteer participation. Different sponsorship types influenced these pathways: government-sponsored platforms enhanced legitimacy, business-sponsored platforms leveraged private resources, and nonprofit-sponsored platforms bolstered citizen trust. This research informs scholars and practitioners on understanding how NPHS remained agile and innovative while facing extraordinary external challenges. PRACTICE POINTS. center dot To help nonprofit human service organizations (NPHS) adapt their service roles in synchronicity with the changing environment, we recommend that NPHS adopt suitable digital platforms for their collaborative network, client identification, and volunteer management during and after the public health crisis. center dot NPHS need to use digital platforms to achieve a better online-offline synchronization in information and services. NPHS could use the online system of digital platforms to send online service information, facilitate offline service programs and motivate residents to take offline voluntary actions. center dot For adopting nonprofit-sponsored digital platforms, NPHS should create collaborative networks of shops, banks, and volunteers within the community through issuing the credit system to earn citizens' trust, attract private resources and achieve legitimacy during and after the crisis.
Prompting officials' innovation willingness is a prerequisite for processes of public sector innovation. This article constructs a framework explaining officials' innovation willingness by linking environmental antecedents and path dependence. The empirical analysis, based on an original survey of 403 officials and interviews with 102 officials in China, shows that their innovation willingness is mostly driven by factors within the bureaucratic system, i.e. top-down and horizontal drivers but less so by bottom-up drivers. Moreover, officials with previous innovation experience tend to have more innovation willingness but are less driven by top-down factors. This study advances the theory of innovation willingness generation.
In representation studies, an ongoing debate revolves around whether a non-Western democratic regime can promote representation to win the public's trust and enhance its political legitimacy. Although conventional literature frames this question within the context of legislature-constituency relations, this article broadens the analytical dimension to incorporate a political party's representative claim based on digital connectivity and demand responsiveness. Using the case of China, we explore how a ruling party puts its "people-centered" representative claim into practice through digital technology. Our study focuses on a service reform in Zhejiang province known as the "Visit Once" reform. The Communist Party of China utilizes digital technology to legitimize its "people-centered" claim of representation. Through digital means, the ruling party (representative) better perceives the needs of the people (represented), enabling the provision of government services with more accurate and timely information.
Policy innovation is an essential approach for local governments to deal with external challenges, which is also the case in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. This article discusses the effects of fiscal decentralization and leaders' intergovernmental mobility on the innovativeness of local governments in pandemic response. By investigating the economic relief policy of local governments in China, we find that both fiscal decentralization and local leaders' intergovernmental mobility in their previous careers facilitate the innovativeness of local governments' economic relief policy for pandemic recovery, and the business experience of local leaders enhances the positive influence of fiscal decentralization on the innovativeness of local policy. The results indicate that fiscal decentralization and the intergovernmental connection based on leaders' political mobility are likely to be two predominant factors for local governments to enable horizontal mutual learning and central-local policy coordination, and as a result foster policy innovativeness in response to the pandemic.
How local governments respond to the COVID-19 pandemic has received much scholarly attention. The existing literature mainly focuses on epidemic prevention, while the contradictory policy goals of pandemic control and economic recovery are less investigated. How do local governments respond to such tasks with tension? This article approaches the question by analysing the policy divergence between central and local governments under the influence of the conflicting goals. Utilising an original dataset of policy divergence in work and production resumption policies between central and 244 municipal governments in China, this study finds that pandemic control is the priority of local governments, and the rationality-based logic rather than the capacity-based logic is followed by local leaders when formulating policy responses. The results extend the theoretical understanding of local governments' policy response under pandemic conditions and provide a theoretical basis for better management of the pandemic in practice.
当代中国的公共管理实践正从"以政府为中心"向"以民众为中心"转型,提高服务绩效成为提升民众获得感、满意度的重要途径.这也是后新公共管理时期,公共管理理论界关注的核心议题之一.高的客观绩效是否带来高的民众满意度?已有研究形成了两种竞争性观点.结合当代中国政府的数字化转型实践,本研究以浙江省"最多跑一次"改革为语境,运用调查实验法探究客观绩效对民众满意度的影响,并进一步检验服务供给方式由线下转变为线上对绩效与满意度关系的型塑.研究发现,高客观绩效会带来高的民众满意度;而当政府服务供给由线下转为线上时,相同的高客观绩效并不会带来更高的民众满意度.这表明,在数字化转型背景下,政府可以通过提高服务供给的客观绩效来提升民众满意度,但服务供给方式由线下转为线上,并不能自然带来满意度提升.政府需要进一步关注线上服务供给设计以真正降低使用者成本,以及线上服务供给可能加剧的满意度分布不平等问题.
共同富裕建设是一项长期和系统工程,需要顶层设计的宏观指引和地方层面的差异化设计与执行.在中央战略框架之下,地方如何因地制宜细化共同富裕的目标定位、设计共同富裕的政策路径?本文基于浙江11个设区市的共同富裕建设《实施方案》的文本研究发现,作为高质量发展建设共同富裕示范区,浙江各地对共同富裕的目标定位有先富引领、特色示范、后发跨越等三种类型,形成了创新驱动发展、激发民营经济创富、推进生态富民惠民、促进公共服务优质共享、城乡融合发展共富、畅通内外循环聚富、数字化改革重塑社会治理、跨区域协作和实现精神富足等九大政策路径.浙江共同富裕示范区建设的目标定位与路径选择可以归纳为"省级整体示范下的地方差异竞争"模式,该模式对于全国各地推进共同富裕以及理解当代中国政府在复杂治理目标中的政策执行机制,具有重要启示意义.
浙江在以往跨越式发展中形成的诸多制度经验,不仅是浙江忠实践行"八八战略"、奋力打造"重要窗口",争创社会主义现代化先行省的制度基础,而且对于全国乃至形成更具普遍价值的中国方案,推动全球治理,亦有着重要的借鉴意义.它们包括但不限于:率先启动并深化拓展"最多跑一次"改革,形成坚持以人民为中心发展思想的制度体系;鼓励基层有序创新民主治理体制机制,深化"法治浙江"建设,建立完善与浙江高水平发展相适应的法治体系;主动适应现代治理新场景,全面转变治理理念,积极引入数字技术,构建整体智治的现代政府新形态;联动推进行政审批制度改革和要素市场化配置改革,加快构建开放型经济新体制,巩固完善社会主义市场经济体系;完善创新驱动的发展机制,强化经济社会发展引领机制,率先形成绿色、集约的高质量经济发展新体系;高标准建设社会保障和公共服务制度,形成公平有效可持续的民生保障体系;高水平推进"平安浙江"建设,"枫桥经验"推陈出新,"三治融合"全面开展,形成既稳定有序又充满活力的社会治理体系;践行"绿水青山就是金山银山"理念,建设美丽浙江,形成人与自然和谐共生的绿色发展体制机制;探索建立中心城市辐射带动的治理机制,建立完善城乡融合发展的体制机制与政策体系,实施"山海协作"机制,形成城乡、区域协调发展新体系;着力提升文化软实力,推进"文化浙江"建设,形成坚持和完善繁荣发展社会主义先进文化的制度.
A growing number of studies have paid attention to the dynamic nature of vertical government interactions in authoritarian China. Yet, less attention has been paid to the question of why higher-level governments play different roles in diverse cases of innovation adoptions. Building on the extant literature, this study introduces the concept of innovation copyright, that is, the perceived ownership of the innovation, to explain the different roles of higher-level government involvement in innovation adoption. A comparative case study of policy innovations in China highlights that if higher-level governments perceive that they own the innovation copyright, they act as proactive facilitators, and if higher-level governments perceive that the innovation copyright belongs to local governments, they are involved as political backers. The copyright structures the expectations of higher-level and local governments and as a consequence determines their roles in innovation adoptions.
Zhejiang Province achieved one of the best records in containing the COVID-19 pandemic in China. What lessons can the world learn from it? What roles do community-based organizations play in this success story? Based on more than 100 interviews during and after the outbreak in Zhejiang, this article provides a road map of how community-based organizations were involved in the three distinct stages of Zhejiang's response to COVID-19. The authors recommend that public sector leaders (1) strategically leverage the strengths of community-based organizations at multiple stages of the COVID-19 response; (2) incentivize volunteers to participate in epidemic prevention and control; (3) provide data infrastructure and digital tracking platforms; and (4) build trust and long-term capacity of community-based organizations.
以公共服务组织(主要是政府)为基本分析单位的政府中心主义,是包括中国在内的全球公共管理理论与实践的普遍特征.政府中心主义的治理逻辑带来了公共服务组织成本高企、公共服务供给有效性不足等一系列问题.党的十九大提出坚持“以人民为中心”的发展思想,为求解上述公共管理的全球性难题提供了可能的中国方案,即“以民众为中心”的公共管理.“以民众为中心”的公共管理是指在资源有限的前提下,公共服务以民众需求作为设计、供给的核心标准,通过民众与公共服务组织的共同生产,最大限度地实现公共服务供给与民众真实需求相匹配.“最多跑一次”改革为实现“以民众为中心”的公共管理提供了六条经验:基于法理权威最大限度统一共识,基于“互联网+”和大数据的全过程民众参与,基于法治原则的主体责任,新技术与传统机制融合的内部协调,内化潜在冲突的主体间协调,多种渠道的实时监督.
Research on coproduction of public services has grown significantly within the politics and public administration field during the last decade. The existing literature mostly assumes that coproduction requires additional costs from the public. This article explores whether and how digital technologies, which arguably have the ability to reframe public participation, might influence coproduction between the government and the public. A revised theoretical framework for coproduction in the era of digital governance is illustrated through a case study of the "Visit Once" administrative service reform in Zhejiang Province, China. This study reveals a new possibility for coproduction through digital technologies, in which citizens are involved in service improvement when using public services without costing them extra time or effort. Thus, the assumption of the necessity of additional costs from the public could be relaxed in the digital governance era. These findings also suggest that the significance of facilitative leadership in leading to coproduction can be moderated by digital technologies.