Shell middens are conspicuous manifestations of the exploitation of rich, sustainable, easily seen and harvested marine resources that, worldwide, enabled hunter-gatherers to reduce mobility and increase population and social complexity. Globally, known sites tend to cluster chronologically around 6 k BP, after slowing eustatic sea-level rise, although the Pacific coast of South America offers some rare earlier exceptions. We report investigations of La Yerba II, a Middle Preceramic shell matrix site on the Rio Ica estuary, south coast Peru. These show how, beginning around 7000 Cal BP, over 4.5 m of stratigraphy accumulated in less than 500 years. Consisting of prepared surfaces, indurated floors and the ashy interiors of wind shelters and their associated midden deposits, alternating with phases of abandonment, this was the outcome of an intense rhythm of repeated occupations by logistically mobile marine hunter gatherers. Final phases, dominated by Mesodesma surf clams, mark change towards more task-specific activities. La Yerba II's topographic position and well-preserved cultural and environmental markers provide insight into the local history of relative sea level change and changing marine hunter-gatherer lifestyles during a period critical to the transition to sedentism and the formation of new estuarine and beach habitats following the stabilisation of eustatic sea-levels. (c) 2022 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).

Frédéric Engel (1981:24), el pionero de los estudios del Precerámico en el Perú, argumentó que la distribución de los sitios arqueológicos durante el Holoceno temprano fue determinada por “la capacidad de las lomas” –oasis estacionales producidos por la humedad oceánica que están presentes a lo largo de la costa del Perú– una proposición que aún se encuentra en debate. Nosotros evaluaremos las ideas de Engel basándonos en datos de sitios arqueológicos del Precerámico Medio (hasta 4500 años cal AP) ubicados dentro y cerca de las lomas de la costa sur del Perú.

The pioneer of Preceramic archaeology in Peru, Frederic Engel (1981: 24), argued that archaeological site distribution during the Early Holocene, was defined by the 'fog oasis situation' of lomas -the seasonal oases sustained by ocean fogs that flourish along the arid Pacific coast of Peru- a proposition that remains much debated. Here we reassess Engel's ideas using archaeological findings from Middle Preceramic archaeological sites (to c. 4500 cal BP) from alongside and within the lomas of the south coast of Peru.

This paper presents new information from funerary contexts in the lower Ica Valley, on the south coast of Peru, spanning two millennia from the end of the Early Horizon to the Late Intermediate Period. Although severely looted, these sites can still yield valuable information. We discuss their architecture and material culture in the context of radiocarbon dates. Among other findings, these cast new light on the poorly understood transition from the Middle Horizon to the Late Intermediate Period, for which a paucity of archaeological data from ca. a.d. 1000-1250 has long been taken as evidence of an environmentally- or socially-induced demographic collapse. Yet the data we present here suggest that the basins of the lower Ica Valley were likely occupied continuously over this period, and that the echoes of Wari influence here may have lasted longer than previously thought.

Moseley’s (1975) Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization hypothesis challenges, in one of humanity’s few pristine hearths of civilization, the axiom that agriculture is necessary for the rise of complex societies. We revisit that hypothesis by setting new findings from La Yerba II (7571–6674 Cal bp) and III (6485–5893 Cal bp), Río Ica estuary, alongside the wider archaeological record for the end of the Middle Preceramic Period on the Peruvian coast. The La Yerba record evinces increasing population, sedentism, and “Broad Spectrum Revolution” features, including early horticulture of Phaseolus and Canavalia beans. Yet unlike further north, these changes failed to presage the florescence of monumental civilization during the subsequent Late Preceramic Period. Instead, the south coast saw a profound “archaeological silence.” These contrasting trajectories had little to do with any relative differences in marine resources, but rather to restrictions on the terrestrial resources that determined a society’s capacity to intensify exploitation of those marine resources. We explain this apparent miscarriage of the Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization (MFAC) hypothesis on the south coast of Peru by proposing more explicit links than hitherto, between the detailed technological aspects of marine exploitation using plant fibers to make fishing nets and the emergence of social complexity on the coast of Peru. Rather than because of any significant advantages in quality, it was the potential for increased quantities of production, inherent in the shift from gathered wild Asclepias bast fibers to cultivated cotton, that inadvertently precipitated revolutionary social change. Thereby refined, the MFAC hypothesis duly emerges more persuasive than ever.

Within arid regions allochthonous rivers as a main source of fresh water play a significant role in the spatial organisation of human occupation. This study aims at a comprehensive view on changes in the prehistoric occupation patterns within the Rio Ica catchment on the southern coast of Peru. Results of different research projects are integrated. The heterogeneous character of the catchment allows us to define three sub-sections which differ greatly in terms of vegetation, relief and water regime. Based on quantitative geo-statistical methods we analyse spatio-temporal changes in human occupation from the Early Horizon (c. 1000-200 BC) through to the Inca Late Horizon (AD 1450-1532) in the context of environmental conditions, as well as socio-economic processes. Examining known archaeological sites we are able to assess the significance of environmental location factors for pre-Hispanic settlements. In addition, areas of high human interaction are identified on the basis of a classification of archaeological sites according to their function (craft/industry, cult, cooperation and trade). We thereby transfer the concept of central place theory to the spatial distribution of archaeological remains, introducing a novel approach to identifying central functions in a spatially explicit way. Our results crystallise the changing character of occupation in the study area over more than two millennia. They contribute to the ongoing debate on the decline of the Nasca culture, endorsing a complex combination of natural and socio-economic reasons. Furthermore, the results support the concept of a more widespread exchange and cooperation during 'Horizon' periods in the study area and likewise indicate that the disappearance of a supra-regional administrative polity during 'Intermediate' periods might have led to higher human activity in smaller scale societies, as reflected in a more diverse spatial organisation in terms of geomorphometric units and central areas. (C) 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Las investigaciones iniciadas en el año 2014 en el Cerro San Bernardo (ACO3; 2000 metros sobre el nivel del mar) y Challaca (CH1; 2015 metros sobre el nivel del mar) nos han permitido hallar los primeros sitios Nasca (260 a.C a 640 d.C.) en la ecozona yunga de la cuenca alta del río Ica.Los dos sitios también registran la posibilidad de una ocupación aún más temprana que se remonta al Horizonte Temprano (840 a 260 a.C.).Estos dos sitios se ubican sobre cerros pequeños, que están conformados principalmente por granito, y que se localizan al norte y sur sobre los márgenes de la cuenca alta del río Ica.Desde estos sitios, se puede divisar una extensa área de cultivo que se extiende desde los cerros al este, hasta el oeste y el límite del cañón de Challaca-Tiraxi, la cual podría estar bajo su control.Geográficamente, el cañón divide la sierra de Ica del área costera, a partir de lo cual le brinda una ubicación geopolítica importante.Es posible que la localización estratégica de este enclave Nasca en la sierra de Ica haya sido para controlar el acceso desde las sociedades costeras a los sectores de la sierra, mientras se nutría de los recursos de esta rica zona alta.Probablemente, la ocupación de este punto estratégico se inició durante el Horizonte Temprano (840 a 260 a.C.), lo cual significaría una presencia larga por parte de los grupos costeños

This paper draws attention to firewood as a natural resource that was gathered, processed and consumed on a daily basis by Palaeolithic groups. Using Gravettian occupation of the Pavlovske Hills as a case study (dated to around 30,000 years BP), we investigate firewood availability using archaeological, palaeoenvironmental and ecological data, including making inferences from charcoal in Pavlovian hearths. The collated evidence suggests that while dead wood was likely readily available in woodland areas where humans had not recently foraged, longer term occupations - or repeated occupation of the same area by different groups - would have quickly exhausted naturally occurring supplies. Once depleted, the deadwood pool may have taken several generations (similar to 40-120 years) to recover enough to provide fuel for another base camp occupation. Such exhaustion of deadwood supplies is well attested ethnographically. Thus, we argue that Pavlovian groups likely managed firewood supplies using methods similar to those used by recent hunter-gatherers: through planned geographic mobility and by deliberately killing trees years in advance of when wood was required, so leaving time for the wood to dry out. Such management of fuel resources was, we argue, critical to human expansion into these cold, hitherto marginal, ecologies of the Upper Palaeolithic. (C) 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

This article presents radiocarbon dates from human bone samples (n = 13) from seven pre-Columbian cemeteries in the Samaca and Ullujaya Basins of the lower Ica Valley, south coast of Peru, spanning from the end of the Early Horizon to the Inca Late Horizon. These contexts have been severely looted. Yet, in all cases, their putative dating by material culture remains is confirmed by these 14C dates. This shows that such disturbed contexts, sadly typical of the Peruvian coast, can nonetheless still yield valuable bioarchaeological and burial practice data. These dates elaborate upon an emerging picture of the absolute dating of the cultural phases of the wider south coast region, in particular casting new light on the poorly understood Middle Horizon to Late Intermediate period transition. A paucity of archaeological data for this 3-century period has been taken as evidence of some sort of environmentally or socially induced lacuna. Instead, the 14C dates presented here suggest that the basins of the lower Ica Valley were continuously occupied over this period.

Lomas - ephemeral seasonal oases sustained by ocean fogs - were critical to ancient human ecology on the desert Pacific coast of Peru: one of humanity's few independent hearths of agriculture and "pristine" civilisation. The role of climate change since the Late Pleistocene in determining productivity and extent of past lamas ecosystems has been much debated.Here we reassess the resource potential of the poorly studied lomas of the south coast of Peru during the long Middle Pre-ceramic period (c. 8000-4500 BP): a period critical in the transition to agriculture, the onset of modern El Nino Southern Oscillation ('ENSO') conditions, and eustatic sea-level rise and stabilisation and beach progradation.Our method combines vegetation survey and herbarium collection with archaeological survey and excavation to make inferences about both Preceramic hunter gatherer ecology and the changed palaeoenvironments in which it took place. Our analysis of newly discovered archaeological sites and their resource context show how lomas formations defined human ecology until the end of the Middle Preceramic Period, thereby corroborating recent reconstructions of ENSO history based on other data.Together, these suggest that a five millennia period of significantly colder seas on the south coast induced conditions of abundance and seasonal predictability in lomas and maritime ecosystems, that enabled Middle Preceramic hunter gatherers to reduce mobility by settling in strategic locations at the confluence of multiple eco-zones at the river estuaries. Here the foundations of agriculture lay in a Broad Spectrum Revolution that unfolded, not through population pressure in deteriorating environments, but rather as an outcome of resource abundance. (C) 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.orgilicenses/by/4.0/).

This paper compares archaeobotanical and other data from new excavations at two Upper Palaeolithic sites — Dolní Vĕstonice II and Předmostí I — in the Moravian Corridor, Czech Republic. Both contain the traces of broadly contemporary ‘Gravettian’ occupations during the warmer episodes of the Pleistocene which preceded the last glacial maximum. Yet their archaeobotanical remains show striking differences — those from Dolní Vĕstonice II being dominated by large quantities of conifer wood charcoal, while those from Předmostí I are much more scanty and dominated by vitrified plant remains, in association with large quantities of burnt bone. We argue that these differences between these two datasets arise from different uses of fuel at either site: bone at Předmostí I and wood at Dolní Vĕstonice II. Subsequently, we explore the possible reasons for this difference and argue that once likely taphonomic distinctions are accounted for, these data on fuel use offer fresh insights into the functions and durations of these Upper Palaeolithic occupations of the Moravian corridor and some possible implications for how archaeobotanical data from such sites should be interpreted.