My main goal is to draw attention to ongoing conflict and insecurity in Darfur region of Sudan, still one of the world's largest humanitarian situation. Darfur once commanded global attention but has receded into the shadows of a world suffering from compassion fatigue. This study was prompted by three distinct yet related concerns. The first is the growing interest in environmental performance within illiberal regimes. I contend that understanding the situation in authoritarian and heavily conflict-ridden societies such as Darfur region in Sudan requires a combined holistic and historical framework for understanding the complex interplay of political economy and cultural ecology affecting local use and management of natural resources. The second concern is a desire to reflect on the possibilities and challenges of peace-building and recovery Darfur, drawing on my experience there with two projects carried out by the Near East Foundation that sought to promote early recovery in Central Darfur through environmental peacebuilding. Its preparation was prompted by three distinct yet related concerns. The third concern is to address some of the links between peacebuilding and natural resource interventions. I argue that even in extremely illiberal settings such as Darfur that it is still possible to carry out activities that widen the scope for action by local populations. This finding was most evident regarding the project's conflict management training, which local people ended up applying in a range of situations, and which helped spawn a peace movement among youths. Nevertheless, project participants noted that this training and action, while helpful at the community level, could not address "bigger problems outside." Renewed national and international peace efforts are needed. (C) 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

American AnthropologistVolume 120, Issue 2 p. 380-383 OBITUARIES David Warwick Brokensha (1923–2017) A. Peter Castro, A. Peter Castro ahcastro@maxwell.syr.edu Department of Anthropology, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY 13244, USASearch for more papers by this authorMiriam S. Chaiken, Miriam S. Chaiken mchaiken@ad.nmsu.edu Department of Anthropology, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces, NM 88003, USASearch for more papers by this author A. Peter Castro, A. Peter Castro ahcastro@maxwell.syr.edu Department of Anthropology, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY 13244, USASearch for more papers by this authorMiriam S. Chaiken, Miriam S. Chaiken mchaiken@ad.nmsu.edu Department of Anthropology, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces, NM 88003, USASearch for more papers by this author First published: 20 May 2018 https://doi.org/10.1111/aman.13034Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume120, Issue2June 2018Pages 380-383 RelatedInformation

Anthropology NewsVolume 58, Issue 6 p. e411-e413 November/December Online Content David Warwick Brokensha Miriam S. Chaiken, Miriam S. ChaikenSearch for more papers by this authorA. Peter Castro, A. Peter CastroSearch for more papers by this author Miriam S. Chaiken, Miriam S. ChaikenSearch for more papers by this authorA. Peter Castro, A. Peter CastroSearch for more papers by this author First published: 09 May 2018 https://doi.org/10.1111/AN.843AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume58, Issue6Special Issue: Anthropology Matters!November/December 2017Pages e411-e413 RelatedInformation

American EthnologistVolume 43, Issue 2 p. 383-384 Book Review Things Fall Apart? The Political Ecology of Forest Governance in Southern Nigeria. Pauline Hellermann. New York: Berghahn, 2013. 191 pp. A. PETER CASTRO, A. PETER CASTRO Syracuse UniversitySearch for more papers by this author A. PETER CASTRO, A. PETER CASTRO Syracuse UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 24 May 2016 https://doi.org/10.1111/amet.12319Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume43, Issue2May 2016Pages 383-384 RelatedInformation

Flags hold “rich symbolic and political connotations,” yet the examination of their use has been “relatively neglected in research on nationalism” (Eriksen, 2007, p. 1-2). Our study explores the transnational politics of Ethiopia’s national flag, exploring its manifestation within the EthioAmerican community in the Washington, DC metropolitan area, where the largest Ethiopian diaspora population in the United States resides. We also examine the historical roots of Ethiopian flag politics within Ethiopia’s historical political economy. The country’s well-known imperial flag, containing the emblem of the Lion of Judah against green, yellow, and red stripes, emerged by the late 19th century as Ethiopia defended itself against colonial intrusion. The flying of the flag, an essentially invented tradition, was originally used to reinforce the legitimacy of Ethiopia’s imperial elite. Ultimately, however, flags—all flags—became associated with deep patriotic meaning. The tricolor stripes of the imperial of the flag became an important Pan-African and anti-colonial symbol after the country’s resistance to Italian occupation during the first part of the twentieth century. Later, a plain tricolor flag of green, yellow, and red, without the Lion of Judah, was used by the Derg—the collective of military and police forces that deposed Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974, imposing socialist rule under the leadership of Mengistu Haile Mariam, until 1991. The Ethiopian People’s Democratic Revolution Front (EPRDF), which came to power in 1991, has promoted its own national flag, marked by an emblem symbolizing its vision of an ethnic federalism based on the self-determination of the country’s ethnic and religious populations. The authority of the EPRDF has been challenged both by Ethiopian nationalists—who see ethnic federalism as fragmenting the country’s long-standing national coherence—and by the peoples on Ethiopia’s margins, who have been frustrated by the EPRDF’s unwillingness to devolve authority to them. The severe reaction of the EPRDF against its opposition hardened political identities and stances. This conflict culminated in the declaration of a state of emergency on October 9, 2016. The political tensions within Ethiopia are displayed and played out within Ethiopia’s diaspora, which is one of the fastest growing African immigrant populations in the United States. This study draws on the 2015 fieldwork of Goshu Wolde Tefera, conducted in the Washington, DC area, as well as on the libraryand internet research carried out by Tefera and A. Peter Castro.

"Development" originally implied economic development, but recently, more emphasis has been placed on equity, sustainability, the quality of life and popular participation. Anthropology is involved in two ways : first, the Anthropology of Development analyses development as a social, economic and political process. Second, Development Anthropology includes active participation by anthropologists in development policies and projects. Some anthropologists are against any involvement, claiming that development is fatally flawed. Others are wary of any 'applied' work. However, increasing numbers of anthropologists do work on development, in major donor agencies. Development anthropology has made noted progress in several fields, including agriculture, livestock and pastoralism, forestry, settlement and migration. Major problems include the difficulty of achieving effective participation by the local people, the inescapable ethical problems inherent in any imposed change. Also, the whole pace of development aid has slowed in recent years. But there is now a greater awareness of the significance of social and cultural factors, of local-global linkages, and a gradually increasing respect for the strengths of local people (the supposed "beneficiaries" of development)—especially their knowledge and their adaptive capacities.