This article combines the insights of an academic and a professional comedian, Paul Merton, in exploring how players attempt to mitigate cognitive overload or 'brain fry' in the popular BBC radio panel game Just a Minute (JaM). JaM requires players to present one minute of entertaining fluent spoken narrative on a specified subject, in front of a live audience. However, they have to navigate three rules: not to hesitate, repeat or deviate. These constraints impede the strategies that speakers customarily use to sustain fluency. They also undermine some of the classic tools of comedy. With reference to the role of fluency in regular speech, and how risks to fluency are usually mitigated by speakers, we show why the game's rules build such a cognitive burden. We explore the various tactics of players for managing that burden so that they avoid brain fry, and we draw in particular on the approach taken by the co-author, a regular and successful player for over 35 years. His solution to the challenge of cognitive overload is to reframe the purpose of the game. This article is the first to offer a theory-based account of the mechanisms of this internationally popular game show.

Chapter 13 Formulaic Sequences and Language Disorders Alison Wray, Alison WraySearch for more papers by this author Alison Wray, Alison WraySearch for more papers by this author Book Editor(s):Martin J. Ball, Martin J. BallSearch for more papers by this authorNicole Müller, Nicole MüllerSearch for more papers by this authorElizabeth Spencer, Elizabeth SpencerSearch for more papers by this author First published: 08 January 2024 https://doi.org/10.1002/9781119875949.ch13 AboutPDFPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShareShare a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Abstract The term "formulaic sequence" refers to a range of types of multiword string that are, or at least seem to be, stored and accessed in a fully or partly prefabricated form (Wray, 2002). They encompass idioms and proverbs, pre‐memorized texts including songs, rhymes and prayers, common phrases like see you later and well I never , filler phrases like you know , I mean and I guess , pro‐forms like thingamajig and what d'ya call it and any personal turns of phrase that individuals happen to use repeatedly. Some are completely fixed, for example, high time; if I were you , and most others relatively so, like pull someone's leg; the first X of the Y . Many have a nonliteral meaning or connotation beyond the component words, for example, on paper; wet blanket . Some have a non‐canonical form, so they are not the most obvious way to express the idea, for example, in any event; woe betide . This chapter explores how (some types of) formulaic sequences manifest in three language disorders: aphasia, Alzheimer's disease and autism spectrum disorder (ASD), though many of the observations may apply to other disorders as well. It considers which areas of the brain have been associated with the production and comprehension of formulaic sequences. There is then a discussion of testing and measuring methods, which draws attention to the challenges of capturing an accurate picture of the amount of formulaicity in someone's language. The final section asks why formulaic sequences might play the roles that they do in disordered language. There is no question that certain types of formulaic sequence characterize a variety of language disorders, whether through their disproportionate presence (e.g. in ASD with intellectual impairment, Alzheimer's, aphasia) or relative absence (e.g. in ASD without intellectual impairment, Parkinson's, right hemisphere damage). But the picture is complicated. First, much more is known about what is produced than what is understood, since it is more difficult to capture and measure the latter. Second, our attention is easily drawn to the formulaic sequences that a person can produce, particularly if they are not generating much novel language. But the presence of, often, quite a small set can eclipse the fact that the vast majority of the formulaic sequences in the general language repertoire are not being produced. Third, there is no consensus on how to identify formulaic sequences (Wray, 2009), so different linguistic material might be captured in different studies. To understand why certain formulaic sequences are, or are not, being used, careful attention must be paid to what they are really for . In particular, insofar as they are a flexible resource for repairing problems in communication and social interaction (Wray, 2002, 2008, 2020, 2021), they are likely to respond dynamically to changes in a person's capabilities (see final section, below). Furthermore, since people's capabilities are a joint product of their pre‐existing behaviors, the nature of the disorder and their response to it, we would anticipate that the range and number of formulaic sequences used will be different even in people with similar language disorders. Indeed, although we obviously look for indications that specific areas of brain damage, or atypical development, are associated with the retention or loss of formulaic sequences, it is not always easy to distinguish pathological uses from neurotypical ones (Sidtis, 2022). Individual differences play a role at every level, from the precise nature and trajectory of someone's damage and the underlying brain on which it acts, to personality and context determined levels of resilience (Wray, 2020). Moreover, what a person is able to say once they have an acquired language disorder depends on what they previously knew and used. This information is typically not available at a granular level, leaving us to make assumptions about what someone's active and passive repertoire is likely to have been. At a broad‐brush level, such generalizations are unproblematic. For example, Gerstenberg and Hamilton's (2022) finding that "narrative crystals" occur in the discourse of older, unimpaired speakers helps us better understand the role they play in Alzheimer's discourse (e.g. Davis & Maclagan, 2013). Similarly, the recognized function of formulaic sequences in signaling social identity (Wray, 2002) and managing processing pressure (Wray, 2017) in unimpaired speakers gives us insight into both what their purpose might be in language impairment, and the potential impact on communication if they are not available for use. Nevertheless, individual variation makes it hard to gauge what has changed in response to an acquired disorder. These caveats are the necessary context for the accounts that follow. Understanding how formulaic sequences resist or succumb to developmental and acquired language disorders can help us not only map how the brain manages the components of language but also build better models of language as a complex phenomenon. It could also offer ideas for how to best support effective communication in those with language disorders (Wray, 2020, 2021). References Barbancho , M. A. , Berthier , M. L. , Navas-Sánchez , P. , Dávila , G. , Green-Heredia , C. , García-Alberca , J. M. , Ruiz-Cruces , R. , López-González , M.V. , Dawid-Milner , M.S. , Pulvermüller , F. , Laraa , J. P. ( 2015 ). Bilateral brain reorganization with memantine and constraint-induced aphasia therapy in chronic post-stroke aphasia: An ERP study . Brain and Language , 145–146 , 1 – 10 . 10.1016/j.bandl.2015.04.003 PubMedWeb of Science®Google Scholar Bates , T. C. , Castles , A. , Luciano , M. , Wright , M. J. , Coltheart , M. , & Martin , N. G. ( 2007 ). 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People living with a dementia and their family carers are at high risk of being excluded from the contact, activities, information and services that help them remain resilient. Using interview data from family dementia carers, this article explores the sources of enablement and inhibition in accessing these aspects of social inclusion. Carers and those living with a dementia are found to inhibit and enable social inclusion for themselves, each other, and other carers. However, carers attribute most agency to the external environment: what is provided and how easy it is to access, along with the attitudes and beliefs of others. Poor communication surfaces as an impediment to social inclusion, with carers often left trying to bridge communicative gaps despite limited knowledge and self-confidence.

In the BBC Radio Four panel game Just a Minute (JaM), players must speak fluently for one minute without hesitation, deviation, or repetition. Other players challenge them and take over the remainder of the minute if successful. What impact do the JaM rules have on players' spoken output? Study 1 compares twelve unchallenged JaM minutes with twelve sample minutes from an interview by the same speaker, Paul Merton. Although lower, his repetition rate in JaM is still >34%. Study 2 asks why so many repeated words go unchallenged. Analysis of 97 JaM rounds (18,500 words) from 12 complete episodes reveals that word class, word frequency, and the distance between mentions all play a role. The parameters of challenges in the game are modeled and there is consideration of why and how repetition occurs in a language and how the wider priorities of JaM as entertainment shape the linguistic patterns.

Idioms are multi-word expressions whose meaning cannot always be deduced from the literal meaning of constituent words. A key feature of idioms that is central to this paper is their peculiar mixture of fixedness and variability, which poses challenges for their retrieval from large corpora using traditional search approaches. These challenges hinder insights into idiom usage, affecting users who are conducting linguistic research as well as those involved in language education. To facilitate access to idiom examples taken from real-world contexts, we introduce an information retrieval system designed specifically for idioms. Given a search query that represents an idiom, typically in its canonical form, the system expands it automatically to account for the most common types of idiom variation including inflection, open slots, adjectival or adverbial modification and passivisation. As a by-product of query expansion, other types of idiom variation captured include derivation, compounding, negation, distribution across multiple clauses as well as other unforeseen types of variation. The system was implemented on top of Elasticsearch, an open-source, distributed, scalable, real-time search engine. Flexible retrieval of idioms is supported by a combination of linguistic pre-processing of the search queries, their translation into a set of query clauses written in a query language called Query DSL, and analysis, an indexing process that involves tokenisation and normalisation. Our system outperformed the phrase search in terms of recall and outperformed the keyword search in terms of precision. Out of the three, our approach was found to provide the best balance between precision and recall. By providing a fast and easy way of finding idioms in large corpora, our approach can facilitate further developments in fields such as linguistics, language education and natural language processing.

Abstract This chapter explores the nature of memory and the impact on communication of the memory deficits associated with dementia. The main types of memory are described (long-term, short-term, working, declarative, implicit, emotional, episodic). The process of recalling information is discussed, and the natural changes associated with ageing are considered. The general impact on communication of impaired event memory is explored before a deeper look is taken at why disruption to episodic memory has such a significant impact on communication. Specifically, the role of autonoesis (knowing one was present at an event) is explored. Without autonoesis, it is harder to speak with authority and confidence about what happened. People living with a dementia are vulnerable to being doubted, out-argued, and shouted down by those able to produce a stronger case for their own claims. Not being believed is a significant assault on the sense of self.

This chapter provides theoretical justification for the model described in the previous chapter. The evolutionary drive to create and sustain a comfortable personal world is first explored, giving consideration not only to the imperatives of physical survival and procreation but also social ‘survival.’ Altruism is discussed, as a potential countercase to the model’s claim that interaction always pursues outcomes beneficial to the speaker. The model’s concept of ‘context’ is considered in relation to pragmatic theory and theories of persuasion and formulaic language, before various issues directly relating to the Context, Resources, and Processing components are explored, including the management of explicitness.

This final chapter draws together the ideas from the book to consider what the priorities should be for improving communication by and with people living with a dementia. The main ideas from the book are summarized. Desirable features for effective and humane communication in the dementia context are suggested, including: opportunities for ‘real’ communication; practical support, flexibility, and empowerment; and respect, dignity, and kindness. The importance of building and sustaining social and emotional reserve is reiterated. These ideas are linked to existing practices to help shed light on what is most likely to work and why. Kindness is identified as the lynchpin for intuitively embracing these approaches.

Abstract Communication is an early casualty of dementia symptoms on account of the loss of confidence and agency arising from reduced expressive ability, plus the challenges to identity associated with memory impairment. Drawing on first-hand accounts, this chapter explores how people living with a dementia and their carers perceive the role of communication problems in shaping their experiences, and what they say they need for their lives to be easier. The emotional experience of being a family or professional carer is considered. The concept of emotional reserve is introduced, as a means of accounting for individual differences in personal resilience to the many challenges associated with living with a dementia or caring for someone who is.

Objectives To demonstrate the power of integrating three theoretical perspectives (Mentalization Theory, Perceptual Control Theory and the Communicative Impact model), which jointly illuminate the communication challenges and opportunities faced by family carers of people with dementia. To point the way to how this framework informs the design and delivery of carer communication and interaction training. Method Conceptual synthesis based on a narrative review of relevant literature, supported by examples of family carers. Results We use the conceptual models to show how the capacity to mentalize ("holding mind in mind") offers a greater sense of control over internal and external conflicts, with the result that they can be deescalated in pursuit of mutual goals. Conclusions The integrative conceptual framework presented here highlights specific psychological and relational mechanisms that can be targeted through carer training to enhance communication with a person living with dementia.

Abstract This chapter asks, how do the brain changes associated with diseases of dementia affect communication? The biological diseases leading to dementia are termed ‘hard’ causes. The main types of dementia (Alzheimer’s, vascular, frontotemporal including semantic, and Lewy body) are reviewed, with a focus on their impact on language and communication capabilities. Differences in people’s susceptibility to developing dementia-causing diseases are considered (e.g., genetic and environmental factors). For instance, individuals’ brains may differ in the level of physical resilience to damage (brain reserve). Individuals may also have greater or lesser resilience to the effects of damage on their cognitive function (cognitive reserve). Rementia (symptom reversal) and temporary lucidity are also discussed.

Abstract This chapter considers how social attitudes and contexts shape interaction with people living with a dementia. These factors are termed ‘soft’ causes of dementia, because they affect people’s experience of the disease but are potentially open to change. Topics covered include the ‘medicalization’ and the commodification of dementia, the limitations of diagnostic testing, the nature of Mild Cognitive Impairment, and social attitudes towards dementia in the West and around the world. A new concept, social reserve, is introduced to capture the roles that culture and society can play in reducing the impact of dementia on people’s day-to-day experience.

Despite a plethora of good advice, it can be hard to sustain effective communicative behaviours when someone is living with a dementia. This book asks why that is. Part 1 explores how various dementia-causing diseases affect the linguistic, pragmatic (reasoning), and memory systems; how social perceptions and practices exacerbate the underlying biological problems; how people living with a dementia describe their experiences; and how dementia care currently addresses the challenges of communication. Part 2 asks why people communicate and what shapes how they communicate. The Communicative Impact model of communication is introduced and theoretically justified. It is argued that all communication is driven by people’s desire to make beneficial changes to their experiential world by getting the hearer to do, say, think, or feel something. Part 3 applies the model from part 2 to the range of considerations explored in part 1, helping readers see how and why communication is undermined and reshaped by the various biological, social, and emotional factors underlying the dementia experience. The model is used to shed light on how people living with a dementia are perceived and, as a result, treated, with particular attention to the acceptability of (well-intentioned) deception. The final chapter asks what needs to change if communication and well-being are to be optimized for people living with a dementia. In pursuit of truly person- and relationship-centred care, proposals for advanced skills in communication with a person living with a dementia are presented and explained, helping anchor the ubiquitous dos and don’ts in a deeper understanding of why interaction is difficult.

In multi-ethnic contexts, it is not uncommon to find that dementia carers or their clients are using, as the medium for communication in care, a language in which they are not comfortable and/or are not fluent. In extreme cases, there could be no shared linguistic code at all. This article asks how feasible it is to provide adequate care with inadequate mutual language knowledge. In particular, it challenges the claims of some care-providers that nonverbal communication is a legitimate substitute for linguistic interaction. With reference to two recent models of aspects of communication, the article offers new insights into the necessary parameters for effective interaction. The conclusions have important implications for future decisions in dementia care. Meanwhile, the account extends the boundaries of language awareness by demonstrating the social importance of developing insights into linguistic practices in challenging contexts.

This paper explores two questions central to understanding the nature of formulaic sequences: (1) What are they for? and (2) What determines how many there are? The "Communicative Impact" model draws into a single account how language is shaped by cognitive processing on the one hand and socio-interactional function on the other: Formulaic sequences play a range of coordinated roles in neutralizing unanticipated perturbations in the cognitive management of language, so the speaker's socio-interactional goals can still be achieved. One role involves compensatory actions to sustain fluency. However, these actions are themselves context-sensitive, so the balance of types of formulaic sequence will vary according to situation. The model applies equally to temporary cognitive pressure and chronic problems such as dementia and limited linguistic competency in a foreign language.

In this brief presentation, I talk about one finding from work currently on-going at the Centre for Language and Communication Research as part of the project 'Linguistic Perspectives on Dementia' (PI: Prof. Alison Wray). One of the questions looked at is how markers of writing style relate to known risk factors for Alzheimer's Disease. Taking short texts written by 81 participants in response to online survey questions, several quantitative measures of writing style were calculated and compared to participants' APOE e4 status and family history of Alzheimer's Disease. The particular measure of writing style reported here is p-density, which was shown by several studies to be associated with Alzheimer's Disease in late life. Controlling for age and years of education, data showed p-density was not a useful predictor of risk group based on APOE e4 and family history. There are several possible explanations for this result which need to be investigated, including the possibility that p-density and APOE e4 status pick up on independent and different types of risk of Alzheimer's Disease.

Language is a balance of precision and flexibility, and scientific dialogue across disciplines faces challenges in how terms are used and how phenomena, including language itself, are described and explained. Taking dementia as its focus, this article offers linguistic perspectives on causes of inherent difficulty with terminological exactness. Attention is paid to the interface between the positivist imperatives of clinical evaluation and the relativist interpretations that help make sense of uses of terms across contexts. Two types of reason are examined for why the language produced by people with dementia is sometimes hard to characterize and predict: the theoretical challenges inherent in analyzing the language of dementia and the social variables that affect how that language is manifested. The article concludes with the vision of linguistic research using corpus-based discourse analysis to underpin and catalyze communication-bridging activities in interdisciplinary projects, within and beyond the dementia context.