Social determinants of health (SDH) have emerged as a major area of emphasis in medicine over the last 30 years. While increasing interest in SDH has led to a proliferation of literature on this topic, it is unclear whether the medical evidence base on SDH has assimilated contributions from other disciplines. We analyzed interdisciplinary contributions to the medical evidence base on SDH, using a bibliographic analysis of highly cited literature reviews. Medical review articles from 1990 to 2020 were queried using the Scopus database, with a keyword search in the title and abstract for “social determinants of health.” The top 100 most highly cited articles were sampled for inclusion, and references in each review were screened to identify journal articles published in other disciplines. An initial Scopus search identified 502 eligible reviews. After reviewing the top 100 most highly cited articles, 40 articles published between 2000 and 2017 met our inclusion criteria. and received between 33 and 940 citations. These reviews included references to a median of 41 journal articles (interquartile range [IQR]: 25, 67), of which a median of 11 was from public health journals (IQR: 6, 18) and 4 were from other social science fields (IQR: 1, 11). On multivariable analysis, more recent reviews incorporated more sources from public health but not from other social science fields. Relevant SDH scholarship from sociology and related fields is not being integrated into the evidence base directed at clinician audiences and may be underutilized in shaping policy and practice in these areas.

White Power music (WPM) expresses the ideology of white people who see themselves as an embattled minority at risk of extinction in the increasingly multicultural societies of Europe and North America. WPM is an important cultural resource used to promote, spread, and fund a decentralized and loosely coupled movement and is best identified by its lyrical content. WPM emerged in the late 1970s among radical right‐wing political parties in Great Britain and has expanded globally since. Originating from a small scene tightly connected to larger youth movements, particularly punk and skinhead, it has developed a distinct identity that facilitates and disseminates supremacist thinking and tactics. To understand WPM's relationship to the larger far‐right movement, scholars often studied it as a loose collection of geographically differentiated local music scenes. WPM scenes are collections of events and experiences bridging varying social contexts, yet strategically designed to promote the resilience and longevity of the White Power (WP) movement. WPM events are defined by the performance of musicians whose song lyrics express movement‐specific ideologies and promote WP goals and behaviors. The supremacist messages of WPM are authenticated by the social activities of the community surrounding the music. Related events, such as shows or festivals, serve as venues of recruitment, socialization, and commitment, as well as generators of material resources.

Resource mobilization theory (RMT) developed during the 1970s and evolved as a new generation of scholars sought to understand the emergence, significance, and effects of the social movements of the 1960s. Rejecting both the previously dominant functionalist view that social movement actors were deviant or anomic, and the pluralist assumption that all parties willing to engage in the political process have a reasonable chance that their grievances will be heard and addressed, resource mobilization scholars sought to understand how rational and often marginalized social actors mobilized effectively to pursue their desired social change goals.

Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT) posits that the key to social movement organizations? (SMOs?) success is their ability to mobilize resources. Yet there has been little research verifying this claim. This study uses the case of post-Soviet rural Lithuania to test the link between human, social, material, and organizational resources of SMOs and three types of organizational impacts: issue awareness, local support, and media coverage. Using original data from 165 rural advocacy organizations that spans the period of 2004 to 2006, we demonstrate that the effects of different resources vary in significance and strength for differentoutcomes. Furthermore, no single resource type consistently predicts all impacts. This research contributes to RMT by (1) identifying which resource types predict specific organizational impacts, (2) extending RMT to the unique context of post-Soviet Lithuania, and (3) illuminating the relationship between resources and impacts for an understudied unit of analysis (small, newly founded nonprofessionalized organizations).

This paper examines how threatening economic conditions and preexisting community resources facilitated the spread of Occupy Wall Street protest groups to more than 600 counties in the continental United States in 2011. Using a generalized linear mixed model, we find that economic threats and accessible resources are complementary facilitators of movement mobilization. But contrary to the expectations based on earlier media and scholarly accounts, the “disruptive threats” caused by the Great Recession failed to predict the formation of Occupy groups. Instead, groups were more likely to mobilize in counties that had the “positional threats” of relatively higher income inequality and relatively lower median incomes in comparison to state norms. However, the effect of positional economic threats was nuanced as counties with lower than average unemployment more likely had groups mobilized. In addition, resources continue to demonstrate empirical importance in explanations of social movement mobilization, as Occupy groups were more likely to form in counties with greater access to social-organizational and human resources. Combined, these findings suggest that scholars can strengthen their analyses by considering threats and resources as complementary facilitators of local protest mobilization and by focusing greater attention on how differing types of threats may influence the mobilization of social movements.

Chapter 4 The Resource Context of Social Movements Bob Edwards, Bob EdwardsSearch for more papers by this authorJohn D. McCarthy, John D. McCarthySearch for more papers by this authorDane R. Mataic, Dane R. MataicSearch for more papers by this author Bob Edwards, Bob EdwardsSearch for more papers by this authorJohn D. McCarthy, John D. McCarthySearch for more papers by this authorDane R. Mataic, Dane R. MataicSearch for more papers by this author Book Editor(s):David A. Snow, David A. SnowSearch for more papers by this authorSarah A. Soule, Sarah A. SouleSearch for more papers by this authorHanspeter Kriesi, Hanspeter KriesiSearch for more papers by this authorHolly J. McCammon, Holly J. McCammonSearch for more papers by this author First published: 05 October 2018 https://doi.org/10.1002/9781119168577.ch4Citations: 6 AboutPDFPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShareShare a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Summary Access to needed resources – material, human, social-organizational, cultural and moral – remains a crucial link between sentiments for change and the capacity of social movements to mobilize around those sentiments. Thus, the relevance and usefulness of resource mobilization theory are undiminished and the broader approach remains vital to analyzing the full spectrum of contemporary social movements and collective action. This chapter rearticulates the earlier differentiation of five resource types before turning attention to the broader issue of how movement actors acquire resources by describing four major mechanisms of resource access – self-production, aggregation, co-optation, and patronage. It goes on to address important concepts of exchange relationships through which specific movement actors gain access to particular resources. It then reviews the extensive scholarly literature on resource mobilization published since the 2004 review by Edwards et al. appeared, characterizing the wide uses to which these ideas have been put. Citing Literature The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, Second Edition RelatedInformation

Scholars of nonprofits, interest groups, civic associations, and social movement organizations employ samples of organizations derived from directories or other available listings. In most cases, we are unable to evaluate the representativeness of these samples. Using data on the population of environmental organizations in North Carolina, we assess the methodological strengths and weaknesses of widely used strategies. We find that reliance on any single source yields bias on theoretically important characteristics of organizations. We show that scholars can reduce bias significantly by combining sources, creating what we call a “peak list” compiled from different types of sources. Compared to any single source, our peak list differed less from the population on the thirty-one organizational characteristics including geographical coverage, issues, discursive frames, targets, and organizational demographics such as age, organizational form, and resources. From these analyses, we offer methodological recommendations for making better-informed decisions for constructing representative organizational samples.

The extensive use of digital social media by social movement actors is an emerging trend that restructures the communication dynamics of social protest, and it is widely credited with contributing to the successful mobilizations of recent movements (e.g., Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street). Yet, our understanding of both the roles played by social movement's use of social media and the extent of its impact is largely derived from anecdotal evidence, news reports, and a thin body of scholarly research on web-based technologies. In this research we explore several computational methods for measuring the impact of social media on a social movement. Inspired by methodologies originally developed for analyzing computer networks and other dynamic systems, these methods measure various static and dynamic aspects of social networks, and their relations to an underlying social movement. We demonstrated the feasibility and benefits of these measurement methods in the context of Twitter and the Occupying Wall Street movement (OWS). By analyzing tweets related to OWS, we demonstrated the link between the vitality of the movement and the volume of the related tweets over time. We show that there is a positive correlation between the dynamic of tweets and the short-term trend of OWS. The correlation makes it possible to forecast the short-term trend of a social movement using social media data. By ranking users based on the number of their OWS-related tweets and the durations of their tweeting, we are able to identify "buzz makers". Using a strategy similar to the page-rank algorithm, we define the influence of a user by the number of re-tweets that his/her original tweets incite. By tracing where OWS-related tweets are generated, we measure the geographic diffusion of OWS. By analyzing the percentage of OWS tweets generated from different sources, we show that smart phones and applications such as tweet deck had been used extensively for tweeting in the OWS movement. This indicates the involvement of a younger and more technology-inclined generation in OWS.

AbstractScattered mentions of “social capital” or similar terms date back at least to the 1920s, yet the concept did not gain currency and widespread use until popularized by the work of Robert Putnam in the 1990s. By the time Putnam's bookBowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Communitycame out in 2001, criticisms had already emerged regarding the scope of social, economic, and political processes social capital was said to affect, the lack of clarity in its conceptualization, and about both the validity and reliability of how it was being measured (Foley, Edwards, & Diani 2001). In the years since, the scholarly literature using some conceptualization of social capital has exploded, with the term appearing in the titles of over 300 books and upward of 6000 scholarly articles. The diversity of definition and elasticity of measurement evidenced in much of the recent literature confirms concerns expressed a decade ago that social capital was becoming merely a catch‐all concept capable of solving any problem from local to global and thus problematic.

The US national response to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks accelerated the adoption and refinement of a new repertoire of protest policing we call strategic incapacitation now employed by law enforcement agencies nationwide to police protest demonstrations. The occupation movement which formally began 17 September 2011 was the most significant social movement to utilise transgressive protest tactics in the United States in the last 40 years and posed a substantial challenge to law enforcement agencies. This research seeks to better understand the implementation of strategic incapacitation tactics through a detailed analysis of the policing of the first 2 months of Occupy Wall Street (OWS) protests in New York City. Original data for this study are derived from 2-week-long field observations made in New York City during the first and second month anniversaries of the OWS occupation in Zuccotti Park. These are supplemented by activist interviews, activist accounts posted on OWS websites, Facebook pages and Twitter feeds as well as news reports, official police documents, press releases and interviews with legal observers.

Throughout much of 2001 the Mobilization for Global Justice Coalition (MGJC) planned a series of mass demonstrations targeting the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to occur in Washington. DC in late September The terrorist attacks of September 11 created a crisis for the 117 social movement organizations (SMO) involved in the broad-based coalition and forced protest leaders to reevaluate their coalition strategy. This analysis chronicles the dissolution of the MGJC and explains the decisions made by SMO leaders to abandon or disband the coalition. By leading their organizations in ways they expected to be perceived as legitimate in the eyes of key allies and supporters, leaders sought to preserve their SMO's core exchange relationships through the 9/11 crisis. At a minimum, leaders sought to insulate their organizations from irreparable harm and position them competitively for the uncertainties of the post-crisis environment. Many organizations made decisions commensurate with homophilous or exemplary organizations in a process resembling "social contagion" while others capitalized on the crisis enhancing their influence. This research relies upon participant observations of pre- and post-9/11 organizing meetings, examination of coalition documents, and interviews with key MGJC leaders.

Recent research on lifestyle sport and commercialization reveals a problematic and complex relationship. The analysis presented here examines the development and impact of commercialization on a unique and influential local BMX scene over a 20-year period. Three forms of commercialization -paraphernalia, movement and mass market -are identified and their varying influences on the mobilization and development of this lifestyle sport are analysed. Findings reveal that lifestyle-sport insiders actively collaborate in each form of commercialization, especially movement commercialization which has the potential to build alternative lifestyle-sport institutions and resist adverse commercial influences. This research conceptualizes freestyle BMX as a social movement within the resource-mobilization perspective and relies upon a combination of direct and participant observation recorded through field notes and augmented by 25 in-depth interviews. The combination of analytical tools and methodological approach can help shed further light on the complex dynamics of commercialization in lifestyle sports.