We examine how people's different uses of the Internet predict their later scores on a standard measure of depression, and how their existing social resources moderate these effects. In a longitudinal US survey conducted in 2001 and 2002, almost all respondents reported using the Internet for information, and entertainment and escape; these uses of the Internet had no impact on changes in respondents' level of depression. Almost all respondents also used the Internet for communicating with friends and family, and they showed lower depression scores six months later. Only about 20 percent of this sample reported using the Internet to meet new people and talk in online groups. Doing so changed their depression scores depending on their initial levels of social support. Those having high or medium levels of social support showed higher depression scores; those with low levels of social support did not experience these increases in depression. Our results suggest that individual differences in social resources and people's choices of how they use the Internet may account for the different outcomes reported in the literature.

International migration has been extensively studied in the second half of the century, but mainly from economic, demographic, sociological and cultural-anthropological viewpoints. Psychologists have shown somewhat less interest in the issue, focusing on acculturation and adjustment problems of migrants. With the globalization and acceleration of migration at present, the authors argue, psychologists should also get more involved in better understanding the migrant personality. They propose a model of the motivational structure of emigrants. This model was tested with 1,050 college students in three Central/East European countries: Albania, the Czech Republic and Slovenia. As predicted, it was found that students who want to emigrate have higher achievement and power motivation than students who do not want to emigrate. If this pattern is confirmed in other studies, this could have a significant effect on migration policy and research.

Desires to stay in Pittsburgh or leave the region after graduation were assessed in a sample of 1805 undergraduates. Overall, about equal percentages wanted to stay and leave. Those higher in family centrality, affiliation motivation, attending religious services and wanting a job with more time for family were more likely to want to stay in the Pittsburgh area. Those higher in work centrality were more likely to want to leave. Regression analysis indicated that being high in family centrality was the most important predictor of the desire to stay, followed by being low in power motivation, and attending religious services more often. Women wanting to stay were found to want more children. These data suggest that appeals to family concerns may an effective strategy for communities concerned about losing young adults through migration.

The desires to live in another country or to emigrate from one's country of origin was examined in a sample of 3200 university students from Croatia, the Czech Republic, Poland, Russia, and Slovenia. All of these countries have been experiencing economic difficulties during their transition from socialist to market-driven economies. It was hypothesized that students who wanted to emigrate would score higher in Achievement and Power Motivation and would also show higher levels of Work Centrality and lower levels of Family Centrality than those who wanted to stay in their country of origin. Motive predictors were further expected to be most important for those with high Work Centrality. As predicted, high Work Centrality and low Family Centrality were found to differ for those who wanted to leave as compared to those who wished to remain in their country. The predicted interactions for motivation and Work Centrality were supported. Achievement Motive levels alone did not relate to emigration desires, but Power Motivation did differ for the two groups, as predicted.

Kraut et al. (1998) reported negative effects of using the Internet on social involvement and psychological well‐being among new Internet users in 1995–96. We called the effects a “paradox” because participants used the Internet heavily for communication, which generally has positive effects. A 3‐year follow‐up of 208 of these respondents found that negative effects dissipated. We also report findings from a longitudinal survey in 1998–99 of 406 new computer and television purchasers. This sample generally experienced positive effects of using the Internet on communication, social involvement, and well‐being. However, consistent with a “rich get richer” model, using the Internet predicted better outcomes for extraverts and those with more social support but worse outcomes for introverts and those with less support.

Chapter 13 Email, Gender, and Personal Relationships Bonka Boneva, Bonka BonevaSearch for more papers by this authorRobert Kraut, Robert KrautSearch for more papers by this author Bonka Boneva, Bonka BonevaSearch for more papers by this authorRobert Kraut, Robert KrautSearch for more papers by this author Book Editor(s):Barry Wellman, Barry WellmanSearch for more papers by this authorCaroline Haythornthwaite, Caroline HaythornthwaiteSearch for more papers by this author First published: 01 January 2002 https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470774298.ch13Citations: 37 AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Summary This chapter contains section titled: Method Does Email Perpetuate Gender Differences In Relational Maintenance? Discussion and Conclusions Citing Literature The Internet in Everyday Life RelatedInformation

Earlier HomeNet publications reported small but reliable negative effects of using the Internet on measures of social involvement and psychological well-being among new Internet users in a sample of Pittsburgh families in 1995–1996. The effects were called a "paradox" because participants in the sample used the Internet heavily for communication, which typically has positive effects on well-being. Since that first study, the Internet changed markedly, giving people much greater choice of contacts, activities, and information. In a three-year follow-up of the original sample, these negative effects are no longer evident. A new longitudinal 1998–1999 study of new computer and television purchasers (who used the Internet for communication and for information) found that they generally experienced overall positive effects of using the Internet on communication with friends and family, community involvement, and psychological well-being. Using the Internet generally predicted better outcomes for extraverts and those with more social support—but worse outcomes for introverts and those with less support. The studies suggest that many people, especially those with good social resources, have integrated the Internet into their ordinary lives to their advantage. ________________________ Sara Kiesler is a professor of Human Computer Interaction at Carnegie Mellon University, whose research examines social aspects of technology and technological change. Robert Kraut is the Herbert Simon Professor of Human Computer Interaction at Carnegie Mellon University, who has broad interests in the design and impact of information technology. Jonathon N. Cummings is a postdoctoral fellow in the Human Computer Interaction Institute at Carnegie Mellon University, who is currently interested in the social impact of Internet use in households and the workplace. Bonka Boneva is a postdoctoral fellow in the Human Computer Interaction Institute at Carnegie Mellon University, who has been studying the impact of gender in computer-mediated communication. Vicki Helgeson is an Associate Professor of Psychology at Carnegie Mellon University, whose research interests focus on the intersections of gender, relationships and health. Anne M. Crawford is a postdoctoral fellow in the Human Computer Interaction Institute at Carnegie Mellon University, involved with longitudinal research on the impact of computers, Internet, and other technologies on social relationships and family interaction. This article is adapted from “Internet Paradox Revisited”, an article in the Journal of Social Issues, 58, 49–74 (2002). It was originally published in The E-Business Handbook (pp. 189–201), CRC Press (2002).1 121 INTERNET EVOLUTION AND SOCIAL IMPACT KIESLER, KRAUT, CUMMINGS, BONEVA, HELGESON & CRAWFORD IT&SOCIETY, Vol. 1, Issue 1, Summer 2002 http://www.ITandSociety.org With the rapidly expanding reach of the Internet into most aspects of everyday life, one needs to understand its social impact and the behaviors leading to this impact. Since 1995, HomeNet studies have consistently pointed to communication as a principal reason people use the Internet. From the early days of networked mainframe computers to the present, interpersonal communication has been the technology’s most frequent use (Sproull and Kiesler 1991; Price et al. 1999). More than 90 percent of people who used the Internet in a typical day during 2000 sent or received email (Pew Internet Report 2001). Using email leads people to spend more time online, encourages their use of the Internet for information, entertainment and shopping, and discourages them from dropping Internet service (Kraut et al. 2000). As new Internet communication services arise—instant messaging, chat rooms, multiple-person games, auctions, and myriad support groups—they become instantly popular. If communication is so important to Internet users, there is good reason to expect that the Internet will have a positive social impact. Communication, including contact with neighbors, friends, and family, and participation in social groups, improves people’s level of social support, their probability of having fulfilling personal relationships. their sense of meaning in life, their commitment to social norms and to their communities, and their psychological and physical well-being (Cohen and Wills 1985; Diener et al. 1999; Gove and Geerken 1977; Mirowsky and Ross 1989; Thoits 1983; Williams et al. 1981). Through its use for communication, the Internet could have important positive social effects on individuals (Katz and Aspden 1997; McKenna and Bargh 2000), groups, organizations (Sproull and Kiesler 1991), communities (Hampton and Wellman 2000), and society at large (Dertouzos 1997; Hilts and Turoff 1978). Broad social access could increase people’s social involvement, as the telephone did (Fischer 1992; Wellman 1996). It also could facilitate the formation of new relationships (Katz and Aspden 1997) social identity and commitment among otherwise isolated persons (McKenna and Bargh 1998), participation in groups and organizations by distant or marginal members (Sproull and Kiesler 1991), and political mobilization (Bonchek 1997). Whether the Internet has positive or negative social impact, however, may depend upon the quality of people’s online activities and what they give up to spend time online. Stronger social ties generally lead to better social outcomes than do weaker ties (Neuling and Winefield 1988; Wellman and Wortley 1990). Many writers have worried that the ease of Internet communication might encourage people to spend more time alone, talking online with strangers, or forming superficial “drive-by” relationships, at the expense of deeper face-to-face discussion and companionship with friends and family (Putnam 2000). Further, even if people use the Internet to talk with close ties, these online discussions might displace higher quality face-to-face and telephone conversation (Cummings et al. in press). Research has not yet led to consensus on either the nature of social 122 INTERNET EVOLUTION AND SOCIAL IMPACT KIESLER, KRAUT, CUMMINGS, BONEVA, HELGESON & CRAWFORD IT&SOCIETY, Vol. 1, Issue 1, Summer 2002 http://www.ITandSociety.org interaction online or its effects on social involvement and personal well-being. Some survey research indicates that online social relationships are weaker than offline relationships (Parks and Roberts 1998), that people who use email regard it as less valuable than other modes of communication for maintaining social relationships (Cummings et al. in press; Kraut and Attewell 1997), that people who use email heavily have weaker social relationships than those who do not (Riphagen and Kanfer 1997), and that people who use the Internet heavily report spending less time communicating with their families (Cole 2000; Nie and Erbring 2000). In contrast, other survey research shows that people who use the Internet heavily report more social support and more in-person visits with family and friends than those who use it less (Pew Internet Report 2001), and that people use the Internet to bolster existing community (Hamman 1999). Because this research has been conducted with different samples in different years, it is difficult to identify central tendencies and changes in these tendencies with time. Further, the cross-sectional nature of the research makes it impossible to distinguish self-selection (in which socially engaged and disengaged people use the Internet differently) from causation (in which use of the Internet encourages or discourages social engagement). In a longitudinal study by Kraut et al. (1998) the authors attempted to assess causal direction. The HomeNet field trial followed 93 households in their first 12–18 months online. Although the sample as a whole reported high wellbeing at the start of the study, those participants who used the Internet more became reliably less socially involved and more lonely and showed an increase in depressive symptoms. These changes occurred even though participants’ dominant use of the Internet was communication. These findings were controversial. One problem in the original HomeNet study is the unknown generalizability of the results over people and time. The participants in the original study were an opportunity sample of families in Pittsburgh with high social involvement and strong social ties initially, compared with the population as a whole. In 1995 and 1996, when they began the study, few of their family and friends had Internet access. Using the Internet might have disrupted this group’s existing social relationships. Had the study begun with a more socially deprived sample or when more of the population was online, their use of the Internet for social interaction might have led to more positive effects. This article addresses these issues of generalizability through a follow-up of the original HomeNet sample and a new longitudinal study. It first examines the longer-term impact of Internet use on those in the original study. Although following the same participants over time does not allow one to distinguish the effects of changes in the sample (e.g., acquisition of more online experience) from effects of changes in the Internet (e.g., more of one’s social circle being online), this analysis provides a second look at a group for whom initial Internet use had negative effects. One next follows a 1998 sample of people in the Pittsburgh area for a year. All had recently purchased a new computer or television set. This 123 INTERNET EVOLUTION AND SOCIAL IMPACT KIESLER, KRAUT, CUMMINGS, BONEVA, HELGESON & CRAWFORD IT&SOCIETY, Vol. 1, Issue 1, Summer 2002 http://www.ITandSociety.org study addresses the effects of Internet use in a more recent era. The sample was sufficiently large to permit an analysis of the impact of individual differences in extraversion, social support, and age on outcomes, and of the possible differences in use of the Internet

Do the gender differences found when men and women maintain personal relationships in person and on the phone also emerge when they use electronic mail? Alternately, does e-mail change these ways of interacting? The authors explore the types of relationships women and men maintain by e-mail, differences in their e-mail use locally and at a distance, and differences in the contents of messages they send. The findings are based on qualitative and quantitative data collected during a 4-year period. These data suggest that using e-mail to communicate with relatives and friends replicates preexisting gender differences. Compared to men, women find e-mail contact with friends and family more gratifying. Women are more likely than men to maintain kin relationships by e-mail. They are more likely than men to use e-mail to keep in touch with people who live far away. Women's messages sent to people far away are more filled with personal content and are more likely to be exchanged in intense burst. The fit between women's expressive styles and the features of e-mail seems to be making it especially easy for women to expand their distant social networks.

In this article we argue that individuals who want to emigrate possess a syndrome of personality characteristics that differentiates them from those who want to stay in their country of origin. Based on our own research, as well as other research findings, we show that those who want to resettle in another country tend to be more work‐oriented and to have higher achievement and power motivation, but lower affiliation motivation and family centrality, than those who do not want to leave their country of origin. This migrant personality syndrome is seen as only one of the variety of factors that determine migratory behavior. We further discuss some of the possible implications of our findings for the receiving and the sending countries and possible psychological interventions that can ease the acculturation of immigrants.

Within the framework of McClelland's motivational theory, a model of the motivational structure of the migrant personality is proposed. It is argued that those who choose to leave their country of origin have higher achievement and power motivation and lower affiliation motivation than those who want to stay. This model was tested with 1050 college students in Albania, the Czech Republic, and Slovenia. Data were collected between 1993 and 1996. MANOVA analysis confirmed our predictions for the achievement and power motives. Students who wanted to emigrate had higher achievement and power motivation scores than those who wanted to stay. This model was also applied to internal migrants. It was tested with 789 United States college students. Those who wanted to leave the region of their university after graduation scored significantly higher on achievement and power motivation than those who wanted to stay. It is argued that this pattern is specific for countries or regions of economic stagnation or decline, while it may be reversed for countries or regions of economic growth. Predictions for the affiliation motivation were only partly supported. Our findings suggest that psychological factors are important predictors of (e)migration.

ABSTRACT What consequences does the widespread adoption of the Internet have, bothfor how Americans spend their time and on their overall psychological well-being? The Internet is used for a wide variety of purposes: communicating,with friends and family,meeting new people, acquiring information about news, health, and other topics, entertainment, and commerce. Most research that examines the Internet’s impact on social life has ignored this diversity of use, treating aggregate Internet usage as the independent variableby comparing users versus non- users, heavy versus light users, or early versus late adopters. Most research has also used cross-sectional data, thereby confounding the characteristics of Internet users with the consequences,of using the Internet. This paper reports data from a national longitudinal survey, disaggregating Internet use into discrete types of use,and employing,longitudinal analyses to test causal relationships. Our results show that cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses lead to different conclusions and that the precise ways that we use the Internet matter. We illustrate these points by examining the effects of Internet use on respondents’ TV viewing habits. Keywords

What consequences does the widespread adoption of the Internet have, both for how Americans spend their time and on their overall psychological well-being? The Internet is used for a wide variety of purposes: communicating with friends and family, meeting new people, acquiring information about news, health, and other topics, entertainment, and commerce. Most research that examines the Internet’s impact on social life has ignored this diversity of use, treating aggregate Internet usage as the independent variable by comparing users versus non-users, heavy versus light users, or early versus late adopters. Most research has also used cross-sectional data, thereby confounding the characteristics of Internet users with the consequences of using the Internet. This paper reports data from a national longitudinal survey, disaggregating Internet use into discrete types of use, and employing longitudinal analyses to test causal relationships. Our results show that cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses lead to different conclusions and that the precise ways that we use the Internet matter. We illustrate these points by examining the effects of Internet use on respondents’ TV viewing habits.