Annual budgets are key to constituting and governing imagined futures. This paper examines how the signifier 'future' is constructed within the Irish budget speeches delivered by finance ministers to parliament between 1970 and 2015. To investigate the discourses of these budget speeches, we employ post-structural discourse theory operationalised through two methods: close reading and corpus-linguistic analysis. Close reading is used to identify the discourses employed and how meanings of signifiers were partially fixed at different moments. This was further examined using corpus-linguistics, specifically a collocate analysis of the word 'future', allowing further close examination of such collocates in context. Thus, the paper offers a unique insight into the discursive structuring of 'future' in Irish budget speeches over 45 years, highlights the changing structure of the budgetary discourse, periodising these changes, and shows how economic imaginaries of the 'future' are produced and reproduced.

Histories of the development of professions show a profession's relationship with the state as key to its authority. Yet professions, to gain technocratic authority, also strive to depoliticise their discourses to gain technocratic authority. This dilemmatic tension is particularly true for the economics profession. The historical development of the Irish economics provides an interesting case, where a complicated relationship with the state ultimately strengthened the profession within a society. An initial formalisation trajectory of Irish economics was thrown off course by the formation of an independent Irish state in the 1920s. This marked a period of isolation for the profession and saw it ostracised from government policy. Subsequent developments also saw the Irish economists' position as critics of government policy rather than a core part of the state.

This paper argues that the state’s capacity to tax corporations in order to fund itself is reaching crisis proportions. Following decades of trade liberalization, deregulation, and globalization, large multinational companies have been able to take advantage of tax competition between states in order to avoid taxation and offset their obligations. This crisis, arguably, has been facilitated by state actors and exacerbated by non-state actors: we explore the ways in which multi-national corporations (MNCs) manipulate their capital, assets, and supply chains to minimize their tax burdens; and we further consider the ways in which media narratives construct this issue and whether they challenge the practice or intensify it. Discourse surrounding taxation plays a huge part in what is considered acceptable. While the old adage that “death and taxes” cannot be avoided, it has become clear that large companies, helped by a tax avoidance industry do indeed manage to do just that. Discourse analysis reveals the ways in which ideology can be used to manage consensus around this potentially controversial subject and this paper seeks to explicate that by examining the frames, presuppositions and discursive formations present within the discourse structure. The argument is developed through a comparative case study research design demonstrating the different policy-based, economic and historical contexts of the two jurisdictions which offer some insight and explanation of the distinctive ideological discursive formations that are present within the discourses.

Abstract This paper employs elite formation quantitative indices to directly and transparently compare the role of the Irish secondary school system in the formation of Ireland’s political and judicial elites, over its history as an independent country (1922–2022). Whereas other elite studies have tended to compare either the same elite formation systems or the same elites, across countries, we examine the eliteness, influence and exclusiveness of one formation system in the creation of two very different societal elites. Our results suggest that the secondary schools that educated Ireland’s superior court judges were significantly more elite and influential than those that educated its cabinet ministers. Additionally, the vast majority of the secondary schools that educated superior court judges, and about 30 per cent of those that educated cabinet ministers, were fee-paying schools, a category of school that constitutes only a tiny fraction of the secondary schools in the country.

Chapter Seventeen argues that a discursive approach can add much to our understanding of what has happened in policy analysis in Ireland. The concept of hyper-specialization is introduced as an important feature of the context in which policy discourse takes place, and shows the complexities discourses face as they travel across societies. Policy relevant discourses of media, and actors within the media, are examined, along with what recent developments mean for Irish public policy discourse. An important factor is how such policy discourses are internationalised in Ireland and the impact of that complication on participation in policy debates is examined. Further complexities include the effects of technocratization and economization on how we discuss policy. The chapter concludes that the discursive power of economists remains an important feature of our policy discourses.

This article employs methods of discourse analysis and corpus linguistics within a Bourdieusian theoretical framework to examine the discursive norms and limits regulating the construction of reputation by online contemporary art magazines. Moving between quantitative and qualitative analysis of the websites of online contemporary art magazines, the article identifies salient patterns surrounding the use of modifiers and links these patterns to the normative principles of the artworld. Its findings suggest that positive evaluation is a norm but that the use of explicitly evaluative modifiers is prohibited, that artists are predominantly classified according to nationality and that these classifications can construct reputational value by performing agents’ possession of cosmopolitan capital. These findings contribute to our understanding of the discursive means by which artworld hierarchies and systems of classification are reproduced and transformed. Thus, this study aims to contribute to our understanding of the role of discourse in the artworld’s reputational economy.

Given the centrality of corporations in distribution of income and wealth studies, discursive constructions of corporate taxation are essential to understanding the production of inequality. The focus of this study is an interview with Apple's Chief Executive Tim Cook on the Irish state broadcaster, Raidió Teilifís Éireann's (RTÉ) flagship news programme, Morning Ireland, following the ruling by the European Commission (EC) on the corporation tax arrangements between Apple Inc. and Ireland. Drawing on a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach, a frame analysis is provided. The significance and extent of the EC's ruling has potential implications for corporation taxation policy, within and beyond the European Union (EU), which provides a timely reflection in the Brexit era and in the context of rising economic nationalism generally. Thus, the discursive construction of this ruling in the media is of importance in understanding how inequality is produced and reproduced, and journalism's role therein.

The conflict between Israel and Palestine has lasted over half a century, with both sides enduring military and political turmoil. This paper explores how Twitter is being used as a medium to portray identities in the conflict. We examine the tweets contained in the @IDFspokesperson and @ISMPalestine Twitter accounts between late 2015 and early 2016. Using textual analysis, we gain an insight into how these Twitter accounts, defined by the conflict, are used in portraying the self and the other.

The role of higher education systems in the formation and reproduction of governing elites, and their countervailing potential for the creation of a more egalitarian, or meritocratic, society has been an enduring subject of concern, debate and research. Many of these debates are made all the more difficult by our inability to directly compare elite formation systems within and between countries and over time. To resolve these problems, this paper employs elite formation quantitative indices to directly and transparently compare elite formation systems, namely the role of higher education systems in political elite formation over three quarters of a century in two countries. Specifically, the paper compares the influence, exclusiveness and eliteness of the Irish and British higher education systems in the production of their respective governing political elites in the 75 years between 1937 and 2012.

The role of higher education systems in the formation and reproduction of governing elites, and their countervailing potential for the creation of a more egalitarian, or meritocratic, society, has been an enduring subject of concern, debate and research. Many of these debates are made all the more difficult by our inability to directly compare elite formation systems within and between countries and over time. To resolve these problems, this paper employs elite formation quantitative indices to directly and transparently compare elite formation systems, namely the role of higher education systems in political elite formation over three quarters of a century in two countries. Specifically, the paper compares the influence, exclusiveness and eliteness of the Irish and British higher education systems in the production of their respective governing political elites in the 75years between 1937 and 2012.

Few would doubt that economists have taken a prominent role as experts on policy issues [Maesse, J. 2015. Economic experts: A discursive political economy of economics. Journal of Multicultural Discourses 10, no.3: 279-305] and some contend that no other social science discipline has gained such prominence [Fourcade, M., E. Ollion, and Y. Algan. 2015. The superiority of economists. Journal of Economic Perspectives 29, no.1: 89-114]. This prominent societal role has long been evident and leans on their perceived objectivity with regard to the economy and policy advice. Yet, the Great Recession of 2008 put past understandings of the economy, and public confidence in economists, under significant strain [Colander, D., M. Goldberg, A. Haas, K. Juselius, T. Lux, and B. Sloth. 2009. The financial crisis and the systemic failure of the economics profession. Critical Review 21, no.2-3: 249-267]. Faced with this challenge of public confidence, the question of how economics experts, whose expertise on the economy was so dominant before the crisis, maintain their legitimacy in the face of this crisis is of interest. This paper draws on the work of Van Leeuwen [2007. Legitimation in discourse and communication. Discourse & Communication 1, no.1: 91-112] to analyse the legitimising strategies used by economics experts during radio interviews, and echoes the work of Maesse [2015. Economic experts: A discursive political economy of economics. Journal of Multicultural Discourses 10, no.3: 279-305] in arguing that economists benefit from the legitimacy of their profession that has been created in academia, but also acknowledging that economists still have to work for societal legitimacy.

transmasculine people in the San Francisco Bay Area who are undergoing their first year of hormone replacement therapy. The use of variations in the acoustics of [s] pinpoints how sex, gender identity, gender assignment, gender presentation and sexuality have a role to play in the phonetic expression of transmasculinities; the article hence illustrates the flexibility, fluidity and multi-facedness of gender as a social system. In the final chapter, King applies a queer linguistics lens in order to bring our attention to how Mani Bruce Mitchell, an intersex individual, constructs hir (sic) intersex lived experience, by bringing social construction and biological innateness together through small stories. This volume comes at just at the right time, as the fields of queer theory and discourse studies proliferate in publications worldwide, in social sciences and humanities. Through its wide but coherent spectrum, the book successfully integrates a more complex, queer perspective in the study of language and masculinities, and advances theoretically and empirically the specific debates on the performance of hegemonic masculinities, female masculinities and heteronormativity. Nevertheless, its focus and disciplinary perspective draw more on the linguistic than the anthropological or (social) psychological side of the discursive nexus, and the lack of input from more diverse fields detracts from its interdisciplinarity vis-a-vis the study of masculinities and identities. However, the volume stands as a significant theoretical resource for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer or questioning, and intersex (LGBTQI) activists worldwide, highlighting the importance of language in the social construction and performance of masculinities. It is a volume that, through its in-depth contributions, will form an essential part of the scholarly study of language, gender and sexuality in the 21st century.

Maesse's paper is a timely and significant contribution to the large and important debates on economists’, and more generally social scientists’, expertise and the roles such experts play in public...

Elites and their formation have become a matter of increasing public concern and research interest in recent years. The lessons from such research can be made more generalisable if a measure of elite formation could be developed that is comparable across different elite formation systems, whether they differ by elite, time or country. But, the nature of elite formation renders this a complex task. Nevertheless, in this article, by building upon measures employed in other fields such as industrial economics, indices are constructed that facilitate the comparison of elite formation systems. This is illustrated through a comparison of the schooling of Irish and British cabinet ministers.

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