INTRODUCTION:In recent years, states and localities have increasingly enacted sanctuary or antisanctuary laws to restrict or encourage, respectively, law enforcement cooperation with federal immigration enforcement. Such policies drive the magnitude of enforcement in a jurisdiction and may impact the health of immigrants and their communities. This article outlines the creation of a state and local sanctuary and antisanctuary policy data set to inform empirical research analyzing the impact of such policies. METHODS:The authors systematically searched state (2009-2021) and local (2000-2021) search engines collecting state antisanctuary, state sanctuary, city sanctuary, and city/county 287(g) policies; including documentation of state preemption of local policies. State policies were coded to identify provisions that are harmful or protective to immigrants and theoretically linked to health outcomes. Local policies were not coded owing to a lack of variation. RESULTS:Between 2009 and 2021, 18 states enacted antisanctuary laws; 11 states and Washington, DC enacted sanctuary laws; 24 cities enacted sanctuary ordinances; and 176 localities (cities/counties) signed 287(g) agreements. State sanctuary and antisanctuary laws had some similar provisions but with opposing stances (e.g., requiring versus prohibiting compliance with detainer requests). Antisanctuary policies focused on punishment for noncompliance, whereas no state sanctuary policies included punitive measures. CONCLUSIONS:This data set can inform future empirical research analyzing the impact of state and local immigration policies on health. This data set also sheds light on trends in immigration legislation, including punitive preemption, state government tendencies to enact laws that are ideologically opposed to the current administration, and conservative states using preemption to control progressive localities. Such trends demonstrate that the local policymaker role in the U.S. is changing. This change will impact health equity as localities may be discouraged or barred from enacting public health policies or may suffer financial penalties that deplete resources for public health programs.

BACKGROUND:To better inform retail food environment policies in the global south, it is necessary to further understand the healthfulness of food and beverages purchased by type of food outlet over time. METHODS:Using repeated cross-sectional data from the National Income and Expenditure Survey (ENIGH) in Mexico (2006 to 2022), we estimate the percentage of food and beverage purchases by processing level for each food outlet for the overall population and stratify by education (proxy of socioeconomic status) and urbanicity levels. RESULTS:In 2006, the food outlets with the largest proportions of ultra-processed foods purchases were chain convenience stores (49%), small neighborhood stores (37%), and supermarkets (35%). In contrast, the outlets with the highest proportions of minimally processed food purchases were street markets (83%), public markets (81%), and specialty stores (75%). Over time, households increased the proportion of expenditure in minimally processed foods in supermarkets and slightly in small neighborhood stores (49 to 54% and 46 to 47%, respectively). Conversely, the proportion of expenditures in minimally processed foods decreased from 70 to 62% in street vendors. Households without formal education and residing in rural areas increased their minimally processed food purchases in specialty stores, but decreased in street vendors, acquaintances, and public markets. Households with higher education and residing in more urbanized areas increased their purchases of minimally processed foods in supermarkets and small neighborhood stores and decreased in street vendors. These households also increased their purchases in ultra-processed foods in chain convenience stores. CONCLUSIONS:There is a wide range of food outlets in Mexico, each with varying levels of healthfulness. While purchases in supermarkets have become healthier, particularly among higher socioeconomic households and in larger cities, small neighborhood stores have also shown improvements, especially in lower-income households and smaller cities. Since no outlet exclusively sells healthy or unhealthy foods, policies should focus on where people make the majority of their purchases and address healthfulness variations based on education level education and urbanization.

OBJECTIVE:To examine how mis- and disinformation about the Public Charge Ground of Inadmissibility final rule ("public charge rule") influences health care access for Latino immigrants in California as seen through the perspectives of leaders in health-serving organizations. STUDY SETTING AND DESIGN:This qualitative study included semi-structured interviews with healthcare and community-based organizational leaders serving Latino immigrants in California. Viswanath et al.'s structural influence model of communication and equity guided the analyses and interpretation of the findings. DATA SOURCES AND ANALYTIC SAMPLE:Between May 2024 and April 2025, primary data were collected from 31 organizations, resulting in 32 semi-structured interviews with 38 participants. Interviews were conducted via Zoom and transcribed verbatim. Researchers coded the data based on recurring themes using Dedoose software. PRINCIPAL FINDINGS:Participants identified the public charge rule as a significant barrier to health care access for Latino immigrants. The policy has discouraged many Latinos from accessing public benefits, particularly the state's Medicaid and Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. In addition, immigrants' trusted sources of information (e.g., family, friends, and attorneys) were often misinformed about the policy, which amplified confusion and fear. Organizations respond by providing accurate information and connecting individuals with reliable resources to clarify that using public benefits would not necessarily result in being classified as a public charge. However, most efforts focused on education rather than directly countering mis- and disinformation. CONCLUSIONS:Healthcare and community-based organizations offer unique perspectives as trusted intermediaries who help Latino immigrant families navigate health care and public benefits. Their close daily interactions reveal how misinformation about the public charge rule deters families from accessing essential services and makes it more challenging for organizations to fulfill their missions. These insights underscore the need for culturally responsive outreach and policy solutions that address information gaps and the climate of fear affecting community health.

Housing costs account for a significant proportion of low-income households' budgets, limiting the amount of money left for food purchases. We aimed to assess 1) the association of area- and household-level housing costs with household-level food purchasing characteristics and 2) explore the moderating effect of Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) participation and SNAP purchasing power in these associations. Household-level data come from the National Household Food Acquisition and Purchase Survey (FoodAPS; n = 3707 households), including the outcomes analyzed: spending per 500 kcal, total kcal purchased, and quality of food purchased. Exposures include being housing-cost burdened (i.e., spending >30 % of monthly income on housing) and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development's Small Area Fair Market Rent (FMR) as a measure of area-level (i.e., zip code in metro areas, county in non-metro areas) housing costs. Moderators were SNAP participation and SNAP purchasing power (i.e., the ratio of the max SNAP benefit amount to the local cost of the Thrifty Food Plan). We ran linear regression models adjusted for household and area-level covariates. In areas with low SNAP purchasing power, a higher FMR was associated with higher spending per 500 kcal for SNAP participants (B = 0.039, 95 %CI = 0.009,0.069), eligible non-SNAP participants (B = 0.030, 95 %CI = 0.012,0.048), and ineligible non-SNAP participants (B = 0.020, 95 %CI = 0.004,0.036). In areas with high SNAP purchasing power, a higher FMR was associated with lower total kcal purchased for SNAP participants (B = -0.084, 95 %CI = -0.141,-0.028). No significant associations were identified between either area- nor household-level housing costs and quality of food purchased. SNAP participation may not fully buffer low-income households from the nutritional consequences of living in areas with high housing costs.

OBJECTIVE: This study examines health care access, utilization, and experiences among Latino children in California by parental citizenship and household language. METHODS: Merged data from the 2021-22 California Health Interview Survey and the follow-up Latino Youth Health Study of the same years were analyzed. Primary outcomes were parental reports of children's health care access, utilization, and experiences in the past year. The main predictors were variables stratified by parental citizenship status (both citizen parents vs 1 citizen and 1 noncitizen parent or both noncitizen parents) and household language (English-only vs English-and-Spanish, or Spanish-only). Multivariable analyses were adjusted for parental education, family income, parent-reported child's health status, child's age, and child's insurance. RESULTS: Findings showed no significant differences in health care access across groups. However, children with both noncitizen parents and from Spanish-only households were more likely to have had well-child visits and general doctor visits than children with both citizen parents and in English-only households. Additionally, parents of children with both noncitizen parents were more likely to feel respected by doctors than those with both citizen parents. Conversely, compared to parents with both citizen parents, parents of children with 1 citizen and 1 noncitizen parent were less likely to report that doctors spent enough time with their children and less likely to express high satisfaction with their children's health care. CONCLUSIONS: Patterns of health care access, utilization, and experiences among Latino children in immigrant families in California are improving, which are likely associated with recent inclusive health policies in the state.

OBJECTIVE:To examine the association between state safety-net policy robustness and rates of low birthweight and preterm births (2007-2018). METHODS:We created a state safety-net policy robustness index incorporating policies related to administrative burden, benefits, and eligibility for seven programs that provide health insurance, food, shelter, and cash assistance. Using quasi-Poisson regression models (state and year fixed effects, time-varying confounders), we assessed the association between policy robustness and low birthweight and preterm birth rates and examined differential associations by race/ethnicity via stratified models. RESULTS:Our sample consisted of 2922 state-year-race observations for preterm births and 2017 observations for low birthweight births. Our stratified findings suggest that more robust safety-net policies (e.g., more benefits, greater eligibility, and less administrative burden) are associated with declines in low birthweight and preterm birth among historically marginalized and racialized groups, including infants born to Asian and Pacific Islander, Black, and Hispanic birthing people. CONCLUSIONS:The combination of state safety-net programs may imply important roles in reducing the prevalence of low birthweight and preterm birth.

This scoping review characterizes the literature on qualitative systems methodologies that guide interest-holders in developing causal loop diagrams focused on food systems, diet, and obesity. Peer-reviewed research using interest-holder-driven causal loop diagrams to examine food environments, access, purchasing, diet, obesity, and related interventions/policies was included. A comprehensive search of six databases (ProQuest Central, Scopus, Web of Science, Ovid MEDLINE, Embase, and Emcare) yielded 40 eligible studies from a pool of 1370 unique records. We synthesize study characteristics, the intended uses of causal loop diagrams, methodological approaches, evaluation processes, and key findings. While all studies identified individual and behavioral drivers of obesity, studies based in the Global South more frequently featured structural factors such as racism, discrimination, crime, and incarceration. Papers focused on engaging minoritized populations similarly emphasized structural-level themes such as urban agriculture, gentrification, community investment, and capacity building. Our findings highlight the potential of causal loop diagrams to capture the interconnectedness and complexity of food systems, diet, and obesity, along with gaps in the geographical coverage of study efforts, as well as the representation of key populations in current conceptualizations of food systems. This review offers methodological insights for researchers and practitioners seeking to apply causal loop diagrams to understand and address complex public health issues related to food systems, diet, and obesity within their local contexts.

Many Latino immigrants avoid public benefits because of fears about their immigration status or that of family members, which is heightened by anti-immigration rhetoric. This study used data from the Latino Youth Health Study and the 2021-22 California Health Interview Survey to examine decisions not to apply for noncash public benefits, such as Medicaid, food assistance, and housing subsidies, as well as safety perceptions among income-eligible Latino families in California. We also analyzed differences by parental citizenship and household language. Compared to families with two US citizen parents, families with one or both noncitizen parents were more likely (by 38.4 and 46.7 percentage points, respectively) to avoid applying for benefits because of immigration-related concerns, and such families were also more likely to fear deportation for themselves or a family member or close friend. Spanish-only and bilingual households showed similar patterns. These findings underscore the need for accurate information on public benefit eligibility and immigration policies to ensure that immigrant families can access health care and resources to which they are legally entitled.

Introduction Public policymakers are increasingly engaged in participatory model building processes, such as group model building. Understanding the impacts of policymaker participation in these processes on policymakers is important given that their decisions often have significant influence on the dynamics of complex systems that affect health. Little is known about the extent to which the impacts of participatory model building on public policymakers have been evaluated or the methods and measures used to evaluate these impacts.Methods and analysis A scoping review protocol was developed with the objectives of: (1) scoping studies that have evaluated the impacts of facilitated participatory model building processes on public policymakers who participated in these processes; and (2) describing methods and measures used to evaluate impacts and the main findings of these evaluations. The Joanna Briggs Institute’s Population, Concept, Context framework was used to formulate the article identification process. Seven electronic databases—MEDLINE (Ovid), ProQuest Health and Medical, Scopus, Web of Science, Embase (Ovid), CINAHL Complete and PsycInfo—will be searched. Identified articles will be screened according to inclusion and exclusion criteria and the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews checklist for scoping reviews will be used and reported. A data extraction tool will collect information across three domains: study characteristics, methods and measures, and findings. The review will be conducted using Covidence, a systematic review data management platform.Ethics and dissemination The scoping review produced will generate an overview of how public policymaker engagement in participatory model building processes has been evaluated. Findings will be disseminated through peer-reviewed publications and to communities of practice that convene policymakers in participatory model building processes. This review will not require ethics approval because it is not human subject research.

Background: The Latino health paradox is the phenomenon whereby recent Latino immigrants have, on average, better health outcomes on some indicators than Latino immigrants who have lived in the United States longer and US-born Latinos and non-Latino Whites. This study examined whether the paradox holds after accounting for health care access and utilization. Methods: The 2019-2020 National Health Interview Survey data were used. The main predictors included population groups of foreign-born and US-born Latinos (Mexican or non-Mexican) versus US-born non-Latino Whites. Predicted probabilities of health outcomes (self-reported poor/fair health, overweight/obesity, hypertension, coronary heart disease, diabetes, cancer, and depression) were calculated and stratified by length of residence in the United States (<15 or ≥15 years) among foreign-born Latinos and sex (female or male). Multivariable analyses adjusted for having a usual source of care other than the emergency department, health insurance, a doctor visit in the past 12 months, predisposing and enabling factors, and survey year. Results: After adjusting for health care access, utilization, and predisposing and enabling factors, foreign-born Latinos, including those living in the United States ≥15 years, had lower predicted probabilities for most health outcomes than US-born non-Latino Whites, except overweight/obesity and diabetes. US-born Latinos had higher predicted probabilities of overweight/obesity and diabetes and a lower predicted probability of depression than US-born non-Latino Whites. Conclusions: In this national survey, the Latino health paradox was observed after adjusting for health care access and utilization and predisposing and enabling factors, suggesting that, although these are important factors for good health, they do not necessarily explain the paradox.

BACKGROUND:Assessing the trends in dietary GHGE considering the social patterning is critical for understanding the role that food systems have played and will play in global emissions in countries of the global south. Our aim is to describe dietary greenhouse gas emissions (GHGE) trends (overall and by food group) using data from household food purchase surveys from 1989 to 2020 in Mexico, overall and by education levels and urbanicity.METHODS:We used cross-sectional data from 16 rounds of Mexico's National Income and Expenditure Survey, a nationally representative survey. The sample size ranged from 11,051 in 1989 to 88,398 in 2020. We estimated the mean total GHGE per adult-equivalent per day (kg CO2-eq/ad-eq/d) for every survey year. Then, we estimated the relative GHGE contribution by food group for each household. These same analyses were conducted stratifying by education and urbanicity.RESULTS:The mean total GHGE increased from 3.70 (95%CI: 3.57, 3.82) to 4.90 (95% CI 4.62, 5.18) kg CO2-eq/ad-eq/d between 1989 and 2014 and stayed stable between 4.63 (95% CI: 4.53, 4.72) and 4.89 (95% CI: 4.81, 4.96) kg CO2-eq/ad-eq/d from 2016 onwards. In 1989, beef (19.89%, 95% CI: 19.18, 20.59), dairy (16.87%, 95% CI: 16.30, 17.42)), corn (9.61%, 95% CI: 9.00, 10.22), legumes (7.03%, 95% CI: 6.59, 7.46), and beverages (6.99%, 95% CI: 6.66, 7.32) had the highest relative contribution to food GHGE; by 2020, beef was the top contributor (17.68%, 95%CI: 17.46, 17.89) followed by fast food (14.17%, 95% CI: 13.90, 14.43), dairy (11.21%, 95%CI: 11.06, 11.36), beverages (10.09%, 95%CI: 9.94, 10.23), and chicken (10.04%, 95%CI: 9.90, 10.17). Households with higher education levels and those in more urbanized areas contributed more to dietary GHGE across the full period. However, households with lower education levels and those in rural areas had the highest increase in these emissions from 1989 to 2020.CONCLUSIONS:Our results provide insights into the food groups in which the 2023 Mexican Dietary Guidelines may require to focus on improving human and planetary health.

Currently the socioeconomic gradient of obesity it is not well understood in the urban population in Latin American. This study reviewed the literature assessing associations between pre-obesity, obesity, and socioeconomic position (SEP) in adults living in urban areas in Latin American countries. PubMed and SciELO databases were used. Data extraction was conducted using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines. We extracted data on the association between SEP (e.g., education, income), pre-obesity (body mass index [BMI] ≥ 25 and < 30 kg/m2) and obesity (BMI ≥ 30 kg/m2). Relative differences between low and high SEP groups were assessed and defined a priori as significant at p < 0.05. Thirty-one studies met our inclusion criteria and most were conducted in Brazil and Mexico (22 and 3 studies, respectively). One study presented nonsignificant associations. Forty-seven percent of associations between education or income and pre-obesity were negative. Regarding obesity, 80 percent were negative and 20 percent positive. Most negative associations were found in women while in men they varied depending on the indicator used. Pre-obesity and obesity by SEP did not follow the same pattern, revealing a reversal of the obesity social gradient by SEP, especially for women in Latin America, highlighting the need for articulated policies that target structural and agentic interventions.

Legislative policies that criminalize immigrants have a "chilling effect" on public program participation among eligible immigrants. However, little is known about the effect of local enforcement actions by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). In this study, we linked county-level data on the number of detainer requests (or immigration holds) issued by ICE to individual-level data from the 2011, 2016, and 2019 American Community Surveys. We fit adjusted logistic regression models to assess the association between detainer requests and enrollment in Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) among those likely eligible for each program in US-born versus immigrant households. A higher volume of detainer requests was associated with lower enrollment in both Medicaid and SNAP, particularly among adults in households with at least one immigrant relative to US-born households. We observed the most pronounced effects in 2011 and 2019.

Introduction: Low-income immigrants who are eligible to participate in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) participate at lower rates compared to non-immigrants. Immigrant households may be more likely to participate in SNAP if they live in areas with policies that integrate them into society and protect them from deportation. Methods: Data on low-income immigrant households came from the 2019 American Community Survey (N = 87,678). The outcome was whether any household member received SNAP in the previous 12 months. Immigrant policy exposures came from two sources: the State Immigration Policy Resource, which includes 18 immigrant criminalizing and integrating policies, and a database that identified 'sanctuary policies' (SP), which we summarized at the county level. Multivariable logistic regression adjusted for person/household-level and area-level confounders. Results: Living in a jurisdiction with a SP was associated with 21% higher odds of enrolling in SNAP compared to living in a jurisdiction without a SP (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] 1.21, 95% CI=1.11,1.31). Relative to the least immigrant friendly states, living in the most immigrant-friendly states was associated with 16% higher odds of SNAP enrollment (aOR=1.16, 95%CI=1.06-1.28). When SP and state-level immigrant friendly policy environment were cross-classified, SNAP participation was 23% and 26% higher for those living in jurisdictions with one- and both- exposures, respectively, relative to those with neither (aOR 1.23; CI 1.12,1.36; aOR 1.26; CI 1.15,1.37). Conclusions: Many at high risk of food insecurity - including immigrants and citizens in households with immigrants - are eligible for SNAP but under-enroll. Policies that welcome and safeguard immigrants could reduce under enrollment.

Background To better inform retail food environment policies in the global south, it is necessary to further understand the healthfulness of food and beverages purchased by type of food outlet over time. Methods Using repeated cross-sectional data from the National Income and Expenditure Survey (ENIGH) in Mexico (2006 to 2022), we categorized food outlets as formal (supermarkets, chain convenience stores), informal (street markets, street vendors, acquaintances), fiscally mixed (public markets, small neighborhood stores, specialty stores), and others. We estimated the proportion of total purchases in each food outlet and the percentage of the types of foods purchased by outlet for the overall sample and stratified by education level and urbanicity. Results In 2006, the food outlets with the largest proportions of ultra-processed foods purchases were chain convenience stores (49%), small neighborhood stores (37%) and supermarkets (35%). In contrast, the outlets with the highest proportions of minimally processed food purchases were street markets (83%), public markets (81%), and specialty stores (75%). Over time, households improved the proportion of expenditure in minimally processed foods in supermarkets and slightly in small neighborhood stores (49 to 54% and 46 to 47%, respectively). Conversely, the proportion of expenditures in minimally processed foods decreased from 70 to 62% in street vendors. Households without formal education and residing in rural localities increased their minimally processed food purchases in specialty stores, but decreased in street vendors, acquaintances and public markets. Households with higher education and residing in more urbanized areas increased their purchases of minimally processed foods in supermarkets and small neighborhood stores and decreased in street vendors. These households also increased in ultra-processed foods in chain convenience stores. Conclusions Over time, purchases from informal outlets were healthier compared to purchases from the formal and mixed sectors, but no outlet sold only healthy or unhealthy foods. To ensure access to healthy foods, food policies should consider where the largest proportion of food purchases is being made, where the healthiest and unhealthiest purchases are, and why some purchases from certain food outlets are becoming healthier, while in others they are becoming less healthy.

Objectives. To describe national and city-level fatal drug overdose trends between 2005 and 2021 in Mexico. Methods. We calculated fatal overdose rates at the city level in 3-year periods from 2005 to 2021 and annually at the national level for people aged 15 to 64 years in Mexico. We calculated rate differences and rate ratios for each city between periods. Results. The national fatal overdose rate was 0.53 overdose deaths per 100 000 population and was almost twice as high in urban than in nonurban areas. The national fatal overdose rate was stable over the period 2005 to 2014 and increased monotonically to a peak in 2021. Fatal overdose rates varied across cities. Cities with the 8 highest fatal overdose rates in the period were all in states along the US–Mexico border. Conclusions. Fatal overdoses have doubled over the past 15 years in Mexico. Overdose rates are particularly high and increasing in cities close to the US–Mexico border. Public Health Implications. There is a need for enhanced overdose surveillance data and coordinated harm reduction strategies, particularly in the northern border region of Mexico. ( Am J Public Health. 2024;114(7):705–713. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307650 )

The purpose of this study was to use participatory systems thinking to develop a dynamic conceptual framework of racial/ethnic and other intersecting disparities (e.g., income) in food access and diet in Philadelphia and to identify policy levers to address these disparities. We conducted three group model building workshops, each consisting of a series of scripted activities. Key artifacts or outputs included qualitative system maps, or causal loop diagrams, identifying the variables, relationships, and feedback loops that drive diet disparities in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. We used semi-structured methods informed by inductive thematic analysis and network measures to synthesize findings into a single causal loop diagram. There were twenty-nine participants with differing vantages and expertise in Philadelphia’s food system, broadly representing the policy, community, and research domains. In the synthesis model, participants identified 14 reinforcing feedback loops and one balancing feedback loop that drive diet and food access disparities in Philadelphia. The most highly connected variables were upstream factors, including those related to racism (e.g., residential segregation) and community power (e.g., community land control). Consistent with existing frameworks, addressing disparities will require a focus on upstream social determinants. However, existing frameworks should be adapted to emphasize and disrupt the interdependent, reinforcing feedback loops that maintain and exacerbate disparities in fundamental social causes. Our findings suggest that promising policies include those that empower minoritized communities, address socioeconomic inequities, improve community land control, and increase access to affordable, healthy, and culturally meaningful foods.

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) issues detainer requests to local law enforcement agencies to hold detainees suspected of being undocumented immigrants until they can be transferred into ICE custody. We examined the association between area-level detainer requests and self-rated health among Latine adults. We linked health data from Latine adults included in the 2017–2020 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (n = 69,386) to detainer requests per 1,000 non-citizens in core-based statistical areas, (n = 152 across 49 states). We fit logistic regression models of self-rated fair/poor health on detainer requests, adjusted for individual- and area-level confounders. In adjusted analyses, we found that Latine adults living in areas with the highest quartile of requests had 24

The purpose of this study was to investigate the association between county-and state-level immigrant criminalizing and integrating policies and Latino household participation in the largest safety net program against food insecurity in the U.S., the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). Our outcome, county-level proportion of SNAP-participating Latino households, and county-level covariates were obtained from the American Community Survey 1-year county files (N = 675 counties) for 13 years (2007-2019). Our exposures were county-level presence of sanctuary policies and a state-level immigrant friendliness score, created based on 19 immigrant criminalizing and integrating state-level policies obtained from the Urban Institute's State Immigration Policies Resource. We classified every county in the sample as 1) sanctuary policy + immigrant friendly state, 2) sanctuary policy + immigrant unfriendly state, 3) no sanctuary policy + immigrant friendly state, and 4) no sanctuary policy + immigrant unfriendly state. Using multivariable generalized linear models that adjusted for poverty levels and other social composition characteristics of counties, we found that county-level SNAP participation among Latino households was 1.1 percentage-point higher in counties with sanctuary policies (B = 1.12, 95%CI = 0.26-1.98), compared to counties with no sanctuary policies, and 1.6 percentage-point higher in counties with sanctuary policies in immigrant friendly states (B = 1.59, 95%CI = 0.33-2.84), compared to counties with no sanctuary policy in immigrant unfriendly states. Local and state immigration policy, even when unrelated to SNAP eligibility, may influence SNAP participation among Latino households. Jurisdictions which lack sanctuary policies or have more criminalizing and less integrating policies should consider adopting targeted outreach strategies to increase SNAP enrollment among Latino households.