A substantial body of research links poverty and income inequality to higher crime rates, particularly violent crime. While prior studies have examined these relationships independently, few have explored their potential interaction. Drawing on established theories of absolute and relative deprivation, it is hypothesized that there is an interaction effect between income inequality and poverty, such that the impact of income inequality on violent crime becomes stronger as poverty levels rise. In other words, the interaction effect suggests that as the gap between the "haves" and the "have nots" widens - both in relative and absolute terms - those in the economically disadvantaged group likely experience more intense frustration, thus increasing the likelihood of violent responses. Using U.S. state-level data from 2014 to 2022, the analysis reveals a significant and positive interaction effect; the influence of income inequality on violent crime becomes stronger as poverty levels rise. These findings advance the literature by highlighting the need to consider how structural conditions work together to shape crime patterns. They also suggest that crime-reduction policies should simultaneously address poverty and income inequality. Specifically, interventions that focus on income-smoothing, such as progressive taxation and expanding access to education and employment opportunities, are likely to have the most significant potential to lower violent crime rates. These targeted interventions in areas experiencing both high poverty and high inequality may be particularly effective in reducing violent crime and improving outcomes for socioeconomically marginalized populations.

Previous research generally considers sexual violence as binary, meaning it has been experienced or not, and has yet to identify if the age at which a survivor was first assaulted has differing long-term effects. The primary purpose of this study is to empirically explore the effect of age, specifically the two age ranges of childhood or adolescence, at which sexual violence is first experienced on female survivors' educational attainment and occupation in the United States (U.S.). Using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health survey, the empirical results indicate that study participants who first experience sexual violence in childhood are 50.2% less likely to have attained a level of high school education or above compared to those who did not experience sexual violence in childhood. Further, the analysis results suggest those participants who first experienced sexual violence in adolescence are 41.6% less likely to have attained a level of high school education or above compared to those who did not experience sexual violence in adolescence. In reference to occupation, the analysis results indicate that first experiencing sexual violence as an adolescent makes the odds higher that the survivor will be employed in a lower skill occupation (associate professional) relative to the highest skill occupation (professional). Overall, this study concludes that the age at which a survivor was first assaulted impacts the long-term effects of the assault, contributing new information to those researching the effects of sexual violence, those working with survivors, and policy makers developing survivor treatment plans.

There are approximately one billion small arms and light weapons (SALW)-rifles, pistols, and light machine guns-circulating throughout the globe, many of which are in the "wrong hands" meaning that they are in the possession of criminals, terrorists, and/or extremists. We hypothesize that greater female political representation has both a direct and an indirect effect on arms risk, or the risk that SALW fall into the "wrong hands." We contend that greater female political representation directly reduces arms risk as female politicians are more likely to support SALW regulation. Further, greater female political representation indirectly effects arms risk by mitigating conditions necessary for the illicit trade of SALW. Using a causal mediation analysis and a cross-country dataset, we offer empirical evidence that greater female political representation has both a direct and indirect effect in reducing a country's arms risk.

Human trafficking is a gender-based crime of violence. The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children (Protocol) is one of the most important international means to counter human trafficking; however, the ability of the United Nations to enforce the Protocol is considerably limited. The primary purpose of this study is to theoretically and empirically explore the underlying societal factors that drive - or impede - a country's compliance with the Protocol. We theorize that countries that have relatively fewer gender-based discriminatory laws, policies, and social practices place a greater value on the welfare of girls and women and are more likely to comply with the Protocol. This hypothesis is empirically tested using a cross-country dataset and a series of ordered logit regressions. Cho et al.'s 3 P index is used to measure country compliance. The degree of women's inclusivity and empowerment in relation to laws and regulations is measured using the World Bank's Women, Business, and the Law index. The level of socio-economic gender empowerment and inclusivity within a country is assessed using; women's labor force participation rate, the percentage of parliament seats held by women, and the United Nation's Gender Inequality Index. The analysis results offer empirical evidence that the degree to which girls and women experience inclusivity and empowerment is a predictor of country compliance. This study extends previous research exploring the relationship between gender inequality and human trafficking to examine how measures of gender inequality can hinder country Protocol compliance.

The COVID-19 global pandemic has had a devastating impact on economies and could lead to a surge in shadow or informal economic activity. Perhaps more than ever it is imperative to understand the nature and drivers of shadow economies. The primary focus of this analysis is to reexamine the relationship between corruption and shadow economies by extending previous research to consider a possible moderating effect between economic development and corruption on shadow economies. It is hypothesised that the effect of corruption on the shadow economy will vary with the level of economic development, with corruption having the strongest positive effect in low income countries, but this effect will be mitigated as the level of economic development increases. We find empirical evidence to support this hypothesis using multiple data measures of country corruption and the size of the shadow economy. Policy implications are offered based on the empirical results.

Scholars have repeatedly shown that female politicians focus more on common good issues such as health care and education than their male counterparts. When men hold the majority of positions of political power these issues may not be raised for debate within government even if women are present. Using a cross-country dataset, this research examines the impact of women in government on public spending on primary education. Specifically, it explores whether it is enough for women to be represented in government, or if they must have a position of power to effect policy outcomes. The analysis results indicate that both women’s simple representation and power representation are significantly positively correlated with increases in federal spending on primary education; however, when women hold positions of political power there is a greater impact on funding than when they simply hold a seat in the legislature.

Although female entrepreneurship yields products, markets, and business models that might not exist otherwise and are relevant to economic growth and development as well as issues related to gender equality, the factors that drive female entrepreneurship is largely understudied. The primary objective of this study is to examine the relationship between the size of a country’s informal sector and the prevalence of female entrepreneurship in the formal economy. This relationship is empirically tested using a regression analysis that employs a cross-country data set of 70 countries. The analysis results indicate a significant inverse relationship between the size of the informal sector and the prevalence of formal sector female entrepreneurship. It is argued that a larger informal economy implies a greater number of women working in the informal sector due to discriminatory barriers to the formal economy. Both formal sector entrepreneurship and work in the informal economy can lessen the barrier to entry women face related to work-life balance by allowing greater flexibility in work hours; however, employment in the informal sector is a relatively poor substitute to formal sector employment as informal sector work does not include benefits, nor is it taxed or included in official statistics. Policy recommendations for encouraging formal female entrepreneurship are made. Promoting female entrepreneurship in the formal sector not only helps to close gender, inequality gaps, but also serves to improve tax systems, lessen distortions in national accounts and official indicators, and improve the provision of public goods.

In 2017, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) released its global, de-identified database of human trafficking victims, the largest database of its kind, containing over 50,000 individual cases from 2002 to 2018. This study analyzes this new database with two objectives. First, it provides an overview and descriptive statistics of the entire database, including a year by year analysis. Acknowledging that at most 17 annual data points exist for any one variable, empirical analyzes are not used; rather the focus is on general patterns in the data. These general patterns are described and hypothesized explanations for these patterns are offered. Second, given that Polaris is the sole data source for human trafficking in the United States, a year by year breakdown of the United States' data is also included. This analysis is used to assess the types of trafficking and the socio-demographics of victims who are more likely to be identified and reported as human trafficking victims within the United States. This study compares, both globally and within the United States, the frequency of the socio-demographics of the victims and types of exploitation that are identified against estimated actual prevalence rates and relates these findings to media messaging and foci of anti-trafficking campaigns.

Abstract Research purpose. Growth of illicit trade has markedly increased and caused damage to a multitude of economic, socio-economic and environmental outcomes. The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of Hofstede’s country cultural dimensions on the attitudes towards illicit trade and the political will to counter the crime across countries. Design/Methodology/Approach. The 2018 Global Illicit Trade index published by the Economics Intelligence Unit for 62 countries is empirically analysed. Six hypotheses are built and tested across Hofstede’s six cultural dimensions. Findings. The results indicate that countries that are culturally more individualistic, have greater uncertainty avoidance and have a stronger long-term orientation have a stronger structural capacity to protect against illicit trade on average. Originality/Value/Practical implications. In reference to originality, the paper adds to the scarce research on the fight against global illicit trade and empirically explores the role that culture plays in driving the attitudes towards illicit trade and the political will to fight the crime. In reference to practical implications, anti-illicit policy initiatives are likely to be more challenging in collectivist countries with lower uncertainty avoidance and a short-term orientation. Policymakers need to tailor their anti-illicit trade efforts in these countries as these societies will not likely place the same value on countering illicit trade as the countries that are culturally more individualistic, have greater uncertainty avoidance and have a strong long-term orientation.

A substantial body of research has identified a positive relationship between women and environmental concern and much of this research suggests that a greater percentage of women in positions of political power should enhance environmental quality. Nonetheless, empirical analyses testing this theory are mixed at best. It is posited here that women in political power do have a positive effect on environmental outcomes, but this effect is channeled through their impact on reducing corruption. The primary hypothesis is that a greater percentage of women in positions of political power improves environmental outcomes through both an explicit, over-arching effect (a greater general concern for the environment) and indirect effect (a reduction in corruption); however, the indirect effect is statistically stronger. This hypothesis is tested using a large cross-country data set in a mediation analysis and the empirical results support the hypothesized relationship between women in political power and environmental outcomes.

Previous studies have posited that women are less tolerant of unethical behaviors than men and have found that countries with a greater percentage of women in government are associated with lower levels of corruption. Nonetheless, recent studies have hypothesized that the effect of women on corruption is dependent on institutional and cultural environments in which they work. The aim of this study is to empirically test if the effect of women in government on country-level corruption is dependent on culture using cross-country data. Through a series of regressions, moderating terms between women in government and Hofstede’s cultural dimensions are added to empirically test the moderating effect of culture. This study offers empirical evidence that the effect of women in government on corruption is dependent on Hofstede’s individual cultural dimension, supporting recent claims that the effect of women on corruption is indeed dependent on cultural contexts.

The global community continues to endure violent attacks that seem to continuously morph in nature. The complexities of violence in today's world make it imperative to examine factors that can counter these acts of terror. The primary focus of this paper is to explore the relationship between the number of women in government on levels of corruption and country-level peace. It is argued that the percentage of women in government has a causal effect on peace through the focus on societal needs in addition to an indirect effect through a reduction in corruption. This, in turn, enhances both peace and peacebuilding. Using cross-country data, the effects of women in government on peace are tested using a mediation analysis. As a preview of the empirical results, the indirect effect is found to be statistically significant and stronger than the direct effect once the level of corruption is controlled.

This study seeks to close the gap between the theoretical rationale for the role of income inequality in human trafficking and lack of empirical evidence supporting this relationship. It is argued that differences in income, especially the income of the poorest in the population, is a significant push factor encouraging individuals to undertake risky migration. Nonetheless, the Gini coefficient, which is typically used in human trafficking research, does not accurately capture the theoretical rationale for why difference in population income, especially the income of the poorest in the population, should matter. A different metric for measuring income inequality – one that is tied to the theoretical underpinnings -- is introduced. Empirical evidence supporting the role that income plays on the poorest in the population on human trafficking outflows is offered. Specifically, as the poorest in the population become marginally better off, there is an increase in human trafficking outflows at the country level.

Human Trafficking is an atrocious crime that represents a gross assault on human rights and the United Nations states that it is among the fast growing types of criminal activity. Recognizing the need for counteractive measures, in 2000, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children (Protocol). Using measures of country compliance with the Protocol, past research offers empirical evidence that corruption is a primary deterrent to compliance. Further, previous field studies and surveys suggest that a greater share of women in government should positively contribute to country compliance; however, this result is largely not borne out in empirical studies. It is hypothesized that the effect of the share of women in government on compliance is fully mediated by corruption, indicating that there is an indirect effect of women in government on compliance, rather than a direct effect. This hypothesis is empirically tested using a mediation model and the results indicate that the indirect effect is statistically significant. The empirical results presented suggest that a greater percentage of women in government reduces country corruption, which in turn increases country compliance with the Protocol. The policy implications of these findings are discussed and include suggestions to enhance female participation in government.

Human trafficking, like any market, involves both a supply and a demand. In reference to the demand side, wealth has been generally recognized as the significant ‘pull’ factor to human trafficking; however, a debate remains, with exception to income, as to the significant ‘push’ or supply factors. It is argued here that culture is an important, overlooked push factor. Using Hofstede’s (1980) four dimensions of national culture, the primary purpose of this study is to empirically test to role of culture as a ‘push’ factor in human trafficking. An ordered probit regression is estimated using the UNODC’s (2006) scaled measure of national human trafficking outflows across countries. While controlling for economic development, the impact of Hofstede’s (1980) four cultural dimensions on human trafficking outflows are examined. The analysis provides empirical evidence that two of the four Hofstede (1980) cultural dimensions significantly affect the likelihood that a country has a higher outflow of people being trafficked. The results suggest that efforts to combat human trafficking should include educational campaigns that are tailored to address the cultural dimensions within a country. Keywords: Human Trafficking, Push Factors, Culture, Individualism, Power Distance

The primary purpose of this study is to empirically test whether neighboring countries within the Schengen region have similar human trafficking prevalence rates. It is argued that the free flow of persons across borders in the region impacts human trafficking in two ways. First, it lessens many of the transportation challenges and costs faced by human traffickers. Second, it enhances the ability of traffickers to acquire knowledge about neighboring countries in regard to policing, demand for trafficked persons, and terrain, which enables trafficking networks to spread. The Moran Index, a measure of spatial autocorrelation, is used to test the hypothesis using the Global Slavery Index’s proportion of country population living in slavery, a proxy for human trafficking. The Moran Index is significant and positive in the Schengen region, indicating that country neighbors within the region tend to have similar human trafficking prevalence rates. The Moran Index is calculated in other global regions (Africa, Asia, and North and South America) in addition to Schengen border itself, and the index is insignificant in these areas, which offers evidence that the relationship between neighboring countries within the Schengen region is unique. Policy implications of these findings are offered.

With a focus on African countries, the purpose of this study is to test if country fragility, defined as failing social, political, and economic systems, can spillover and ‘infect’ its neighbors. In other words, can failure in one country spillover and weaken the systems of its contiguous neighbor(s)? This question extends previous research exploring negative country-neighbor contagion effects and the results are relevant to current debates regarding best strategies for building regional stability in Africa. The spillover effect is tested using the Fund for Peace’s 2015 Fragile States Index (FSI), a broad measure of country fragility, and the Moran Index, a measure of spatial autocorrelation. The results of this analysis indicate that country failure has a significant spillover effect with its contiguous neighbors, which supports the policy shift some international aid organizations have made toward building regional resilience in Africa. Specifically, policy makers have begun to consider responses to global crises that take a more regional, rather than national, perspective and the results of this analysis support this strategic policy shift. Key Words: Weak States, Failed States, Spillover Effect, Country Neighbor Effects

This study extends prior research regarding country compliance with international anti-human trafficking policies by empirically exploring how country corruption and economic freedom interact to impact compliance. It is posited that efforts to reduce corruption in countries that enjoy greater economic freedom will have a smaller marginal impact on policy compliance compared to nations with lower levels of economic freedom. In other words, there is inverse relationship between corruption and compliance with anti-human trafficking policies that decreases in the extent of a country’s economic freedom. Using data from 140 countries, empirical evidence in this study supports this hypothesis

This study extends prior research regarding country compliance with international anti-human trafficking policies by empirically exploring how country corruption and economic freedom interact to impact compliance. It is posited that efforts to reduce corruption in countries that enjoy greater economic freedom will have a smaller marginal impact on policy compliance compared to nations with lower levels of economic freedom. In other words, there is inverse relationship between corruption and compliance with anti-human trafficking policies that decreases in the extent of a country’s economic freedom. Using data from 140 countries, empirical evidence in this study supports this hypothesis