During the Second Republic in Spain (1931-1936), women's football surged. Based on historical newspaper and magazine accounts, this article shows that, in comparison with preceding decades, during the Republican years, more women's teams were formed, more matches were played, and these matches took place in a wider geographical area. Spanish media paid more attention to women's football, and newspapers and magazines informed about this sport in neutral or supportive ways slightly more often (and in an opposing manner less frequently). Before 1931, women's football had penetrated popular culture (e.g., vaudeville theater). In the 1930s, the press reported on intersections between this sport and manifestations of popular culture (variety theater and bullfighting). During the Second Republic, the expansion of women's football was part of a general process of women's emancipation by which women gained new civil and political rights, and entered arenas where women had been previously absent.

This article analyzes the history of women's football in Spanish schools from the late nineteenth century to the present. With the help of the extant literature, printed primary sources and archival documents, this research documents that women's football was basically absent from the Spanish school system up to the 1980s. Since then, women's football has been present in schools but only to a very limited extent. Football has been the sport most played by the majority of boys (not girls) during playtime in schoolyards. Skilled players (principally boys) have tended to dominate football activities within physical education lessons. However, recently, this situation has been changing slightly, as an increasing (but still very reduced) number of girls has shown an interest in playing football in the schoolyard, and some schools have been implementing pilot initiatives to encourage girls to play football during playtime and in physical education lessons.

Desde mediados de los años sesenta la política de la prostitución en España fue fundamentalmente abolicionista,pues el ordenamiento jurídico no definía el ejercicio de la prostitución como un delito, pero sí muchoscomportamientos en este ámbito, tales como organizar la ajena o lucrarse con ella. Desde 1995 el Estado centralha despenalizado casi todas las conductas relativas a la prostitución, y ha centrado esta política pública enla lucha contra el tráfico de personas para su explotación sexual. Este artículo documenta el modesto papeldesempeñado por el movimiento organizado de mujeres y los organismos de igualdad en la elaboración de laprincipal legislación sobre la prostitución en el período postfranquista, e identifica dos razones para explicaresta escasa intervención: la débil prioridad otorgada a la prostitución por el feminismo societal e institucional(tomados en su conjunto) y la baja permeabilidad de la arena política parlamentaria a la influencia de actoresexternos.

In 1914 in Spain, the first recorded football matches played by women took place, although the first media mention of Spanish women playing football dates from 1894. As in other countries, Spanish pioneer women footballers were helped by men who acted as coaches, referees and supportive journalists, and the first female footballers played for the benefit of charitable causes. The origin of women's football in Spain is a multi-dimensional historical phenomenon that encompasses more than Spanish women playing football. Journalists working for Spanish media reported on foreign female teams practicing the sport abroad and/or touring Spain to play football, and Spanish vaudeville actresses parodied women footballers in real pitches or on theatre stages. The years 1894-1931 provided weak foundations to women's football in Spain. Spanish women played football (if only sporadically) but only two teams are known with certainty to have existed, and no system of regular contests emerged. As time passed, women footballers faced increasingly ferocious criticism from the printed media. The Spanish case shows that after an early and promising start, the historical process of women's inclusion into the world of football stalled. The process was not linear, as stagnation and steps backwards followed a hopeful beginning.

This article explores the relationship between gender balance in the workforce and attitudes towards abortion worldwide. Studies on macro-level conditions related to abortion attitudes overlook the role of gender balance in the workforce-specifically the degree of female representation in a country's workforce. There are strong reasons why this factor could shape abortion attitudes. We argue that such a gender balance creates necessary conditions to break with traditional, anti-abortion ideology and facilitates dissemination and public acceptance of pro-choice views. We test this argument with two different datasets - the Integrated Values Survey and three waves of the International Social Survey Programme-along with two outcomes: general tolerance towards abortion and tolerance towards abortion for pregnant women of low income. Using three-level random intercept models and multiple controls for individual and country-level conditions, the results support our hypothesis: In countries with higher gender balance in the workforce, individuals display higher tolerance towards abortion.

Research question How do gender quotas transform sport management, beyond increasing the proportion of women among sport managers? Building on findings from the literature on quotas in sport management, this article asks whether quotas make gender equality initiatives more common. This research question fills a research gap, since the aforementioned literature is based principally on the case of Norway.Research methods This article analyzes the impact of the 2014 gender quota imposed for boards of national sport federations in Spain (of at least three women or 33% of board members) with the help of interviews with a purposive sample of 86 board members (43 women and 43 men) comprising 66% of national sport federations.Results and findings This study shows that the Spanish quota made gender equality initiatives more common.Implications To scholars and sport managers alike, this article provides a tool to understand change in sport organizations once quotas are adopted.

"Regeneration through Sport: Football, Sport, and Cultural Modernization in Spain, 1890-1920." Soccer & Society, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2

This article studies the cultural impacts of social movements targeting non-state institutions. Using printed primary sources, bibliography and press clippings, the case of the feminist protest within the Catholic Church in Spain after 1975 is analysed from a comparative perspective. This research shows that cultural products (books, articles and other published texts) constitute a principal cultural outcome of the aforementioned protest. Some characteristics of the targeted institution, such as the intransigency of the Church hierarchy to feminist demands, made policy consequences impossible. Yet activists managed to produce cultural outputs and disseminate them to their movement constituency thanks to allies’ support; the use of the Spanish language as a vehicle for mobilisation; and the utilisation of activists’ locations within the Church and in society as sites from which to spread their world-views and demands.

This article investigates the impact of gender quotas on sport management by analyzing the gender quota established in 2014 in Spain on boards of national sport federations (of at least three women or 33% of board members). Drawing on published and on-line documents and eighty-six interviews of female and male federation board members, I find that the Spanish gender quota increased the proportion of women board members (but not the proportion of women federation presidents). Economic sanctions for non-compliance made the quota effective. The quota had the effect within federations of making gender inequality more visible. Thus, this research concludes that gender quotas have substantial consequences for sport management other than the numerical increment of women managers.

AbstractFemale representation in political decision-making positions is now a salient issue in public discussions throughout Europe. Understanding public attitudes towards a more balanced gender distribution in politics remains limited, however. Using a 2017 Eurobarometer, we focus on cross-national differences in public support for increased female participation in politics to address this limitation. Building on the policy feedbacks literature, we stress the role of gender quotas. We argue that quotas – as legislative devices usually adopted through elite-driven initiatives – stimulate support for stronger female representation. Ensuing debates on quotas raise individual awareness about the underrepresentation of women – informational effect – and, once adopted, give a clear signal that persistent gender imbalance is a social problem to be redressed – normative effect. Our empirical analysis supports this argument. Citizens in countries with gender quotas display stronger support for increased female participation in politics.

The monograph written by Daghan Irak and titled Football Fandom, Protest and Democracy: Supporter Activism in Turkey is a study on the participation of soccer fans during the so-called Gezi protest...

Civic engagement in times of economic crisis: a cross