The focus is on the demographic drivers and demographic implications of urban health and wellbeing in towns and cities across the globe. The aim is to identify key linkages between demographic change and urban health – subjects of two largely disparate fields of research and practice – with a view to informing arguments and advocacy for urban health while identifying research gaps and priorities. The core arguments are threefold. First, urban health advocates should express a globalized perspective on demographic processes, encompassing age-structural shifts in addition to population growth and decrease, and acknowledging their uneven spatial distributions within and between urban settings in different contexts. Second, advocates should recognize the dynamic and transformational effects that demographic forces will exert on economic and political systems in all urban settings. While demographic forces underpin the production of (intra)urban inequities in health, they also present opportunities to address those inequities. Third, a demographic perspective may help to extend urban health thinking and intervention beyond a biomedical model of disease, highlighting the need for a multi-generational view of the changing societal bases for urban health, and enjoining significant advances in how interested parties collect, manage, analyse, and use demographic data. Accordingly, opportunities are identified to increase the availability of granular and accurate data to enable evidence-informed action on the demographic/health nexus.

We investigate whether sex differences in academic strengths have an impact on society by affecting the career choices made by women and men. By longitudinally following 167,776 individuals from Sweden, we found that (1) more 16-year old girls than boys had a relative strength in verbal/language school subjects than in technical/numerical ones, whereas more boys than girls had a relative strength in technical/numerical school subjects than in verbal/language ones; (2) when these girls and boys attained higher education and entered employment, they largely pursued careers cognitively matching their initial academic strengths; (3) while individuals generally made career choices in line with their academic strengths, men and women matched on these strengths nevertheless made rather distinct career choices, in particular women with technical/numerical strengths who largely avoided careers demanding these skills; (4) sex distribution in education and occupation was related to the extent these career paths were perceived as either numerically or verbally demanding. Taken together, although gender segregation is to some extent associated with individuals making choices matching their academic strengths, the vast discrepancies in career outcomes between men and women can be only in part attributed to sex differences in academic performance.