Since 2014–2015, international coalition operations against ISIS have been followed by the return of individuals who left their home country to join the Iraqi-Syrian conflict zone (“jihad returnees”). These returns raise questions about reintegration, which may be shaped by public stereotypes and perceived security concerns. This study develops a predictive model of opinions regarding the management of jihad returnees, grounded in the Stereotype Content Model, the socio-functional approach to prejudice, and dehumanization theory. An online survey of 757 participants measured support for four policy-related responses: reintegration, repatriation, imprisonment, and deprivation of nationality. The survey also assessed how participants judged returnees in terms of warmth and competence, whether they perceived them as threatening, the emotions they felt toward them (anger, pity, and disgust), their anxiety about interacting with them, and their tendency to dehumanize them. Data were analyzed in R using structural equation modeling, yielding good fit (RMSEA = 0.041; CFI = 0.990; TLI = 0.988). Results showed that participants who perceived returnees as more threatening were more supportive of imprisonment and deprivation of nationality, and less supportive of repatriation and reintegration. Pity was associated with more inclusion-oriented attitudes, such as support for repatriation and reintegration, whereas disgust was associated with more exclusionary attitudes, such as opposition to repatriation and reintegration and support for deprivation of nationality. Anger was associated with support for imprisonment and repatriation. By contrast, dehumanization did not directly predict the four policy-related attitudes. These findings highlight the central role of perceived threat and intergroup emotions in shaping public support for different responses to jihad returnees, with implications for reintegration policy and public communication.

Les personnes sans emploi portent un stigmate et peuvent vivre, anticiper et internaliser la stigmatisation. En retour, elles peuvent déployer un ensemble de stratégies afin d’y faire face. Malgré ses conséquences négatives pour la santé et l’insertion, l’étendue de ce stigmate et des façons de le négocier reste largement inconnue. En conséquence, nous réalisons une enquête de victimation afin de quantifier la fréquence et l’intensité de la stigmatisation des personnes au chômage, ainsi que les stratégies que les individus mettent en place pour y faire face, via un échantillon représentatif des personnes demandeuses d’emploi en catégorie A de France travail (n = 2 098). Nous montrons qu’entre une personne demandeuse d’emploi sur deux et une sur trois rapporte vivre et anticiper être stigmatisé⸱e ; entre une sur cinq et une sur six internalise la stigmatisation ; entre une sur trois et une sur six évite les personnes et les contextes potentiellement stigmatisants. Cette stigmatisation ne varie pas selon le genre ou la durée de chômage, mais est plus élevée chez les personnes plus jeunes et avec un niveau de formation plus élevé. Ainsi, la stigmatisation du chômage ne semble pas apprise mais découler du seul stéréotype négatif de « chômeur. » Ce travail oriente vers la réduction de la stigmatisation des personnes sans emploi, en particulier les plus jeunes, afin d’améliorer leur santé, leur recours au droit et leur insertion.

Since 2014-2015, several military interventions have been carried out against the terrorist group ISIS by the international coalition, resulting in significant defeats for the group. Consequently, individuals who had joined jihad in the Iraqi-Syrian region, known as "jihad returnees", began returning to their home countries. These returns raise a certain number of questions which are partly the subject of the study presented in this article. This qualitative and exploratory study aims to achieve two goals: examining French stereotypes of jihad returnees insofar as they impact upon intergroup relations and discriminatory behaviour, with a focus on differences of perception between men, women, and children returnees; and exploring behaviours and emotions associated with these stereotypes, considering the perceived intentionality. Sixteen semi-structured interviews were conducted with French nationals. Lexicometric analyses were performed on the corpus of interviews. Drawing on the Continuum Model of impression formation and the Stereotype Content Model, the study highlights how automatic categorisations and dimensions of warmth and competence structure perceptions of returnees. The results suggest disparate perceptions of jihad returnees, who are associated with various social groups. Among these groups, the perception of the returnee is assimilated to a combination of the Muslim and the terrorist stereotypes. Moreover, the data underscored the importance of intention in attitudes, as well as a continuum in the intention attributed, according to the age and life experience of the returnees.

IntroductionThis study aims to validate a shortened and adapted French version of a self-esteem contingency measure specifically designed to evaluate how self-esteem depends on two fundamental psychological needs: competence and affiliation. To ensure a clear understanding and broaden the tool's validity across diverse populations, it was tested among three groups: students, job seekers, and employees.MethodsFour samples participated in the survey: students (N = 221, N = 507), job seekers (N = 270), and employees (N = 328). Participants completed the adapted self-esteem contingency scale along with other selected scales to assess convergent and discriminant validity. Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory analyses (CFA, ESEM, Bifactor-CFA, and Bifactor-ESEM) were conducted to explore the scale's structure.ResultsThe EFA revealed a two-dimensional structure, while the confirmatory analyses suggested a bifactorial model composed of one global factor and three specific factors: contingency regarding competence, self-criticism, and contingency regarding relationships. The bifactorial model demonstrated good internal consistency across all groups and satisfactory temporal stability. Correlation analyses with other constructs supported the convergent and discriminant validity of the scale.ConclusionOverall, the shortened and adapted French version of the self-esteem contingency measure is a valid and reliable instrument. It assesses global self-esteem contingency while accounting for the specificities related to the needs for competence and affiliation. This dual focus enhances the scale's applicability in both research and intervention contexts.

Unemployed people bear a stigma that builds on the stereotype of "the unemployed" and is associated with many adverse outcomes. No study has used the dimensions and facets of the latest integrated stereotype framework to describe their stereotype and compare it with other groups. In Study 1 among university students (n = 241), we show that unemployed people are rated lower than employed people on the horizontal and the vertical dimensions of their stereotypes, as well as on the facets of capacity, assertiveness, morality and friendliness. We show that unemployed people are also rated the lowest when compared to a high-high occupation (firefighters) and a low-low occupation (railroad workers). In Study 2, we replicate these findings with university students (n = 193) and show that unemployed people are also blatantly dehumanized when compared to the same targets. In Study 3, we show that vocational integration workers (n = 123) also rate unemployed people lower than employed people on both dimensions and facets, but not on morality. Overall, we conclude that unemployed people have a highly destructive stereotype that is lacking in every dimension and facet, and that they are overly despised.

Unemployed people face a stigmatizing representation leading to adverse outcomes. Its origin, content, evolution, and transmission remain understudied. We use a lexicometric method to examine how “the unemployed” are represented in 12,996 French press articles from 2005 to 2022. First, unemployed people represent 0.03% of all articles published during the study period. Second, we identify six mostly disembodied frames that reflect activation policies and almost exclusively individualize the cause of unemployment: unemployed people as statistics and economic data, political debates on unemployment, implementation of unemployment policies, local and organizational support, personal stories and realities of unemployment, and collective actions. Only the frame of personal stories correlates with unemployment rate, suggesting increased humanization during economic crises. Third, when depicted, unemployed individuals are portrayed as persevering and willing poor men in need of guidance and support, who adhere to a strong social norm to work and take personal responsibility for their situation.

As social media platforms continue to expand and attract more users, there is growing interest among scholars and policymakers to understand their impact on individuals. Drawing on self-presentation and social comparison theories, this study explores the complex dynamics of social comparison within the context of social media, aiming to identify key individual and platform characteristics that influence this phenomenon. The methodology uses two waves of qualitative studies with diverse respondent profiles to understand the complexities of social comparison across various demographic groups. Study 1 consists of 39 individual semi-structured interviews and a thematic analysis while study 2 is made of eight case studies. The findings highlight the complex interplay of factors such as gender, age, self-esteem, media literacy, and the type of content consumed in shaping user experiences of social comparison. Additionally, an integrative framework of the antecedents and consequences of social comparison is proposed. By providing a nuanced comprehension of these mechanisms, this research contributes to theoretical advancements and managerial implications of navigating the complexities of online social dynamics.

Unemployed people face a negative stigma leading to adverse outcomes. However, its origins, content, evolution, and transmission remain understudied. Integrating social psychology and communication studies, we use lexicometric methods to analyze 12,996 articles on “the unemployed” published in the French press between 2005 and 2022. We show that unemployed people are largely invisible in the media, are mostly portrayed as dehumanized economic, political, or welfare issues requiring control and sanction procedures rather than individuals, and that unemployment is mostly individualized. When they are visible, which is rare, unemployed individuals are portrayed as persevering and willing poor men in need of guidance and support, who adhere to a strong social norm to work and take personal responsibility for their situation. Different discourses about unemployed people emerge both from political leaders in a top-down approach, and from liberal-left and local newspapers in a bottom-up perspective.

The literature on emotional expression on Social Network Sites (SNSs) is still in its infancy. It is assumed that SNSs are subject to a positivity bias: individuals share positive aspects of their lives on SNSs rather than negative ones. However, sentiment analysis studies have shown that this bias might not be appropriate for all SNSs, particularly Twitter. This research aimed to understand how the emotions of a message impact the choice of the SNS used to publish it. Four pre-registered experimental studies were conducted (N = 449). Participants were presented with a message - text and image - and asked if it were most likely to be published on Twitter or Instagram. The emotional valence of this message was manipulated in experiments 1a and 1b, as well as emotional arousal in experiments 2a and 2b. The results indicated that Instagram was preferred for positive messages. But the platform was also chosen for messages displaying low negative emotions, such as boredom or lassitude. Twitter was associated with messages displaying highly negative emotions, such as anger or distress. This research emphasizes the social norms that govern both platforms and demonstrates the interdependence between SNSs architecture, user motivations, and social context.

Unemployed people carry a stigma that leads to negative consequences. Little is known about this stigma's origins, content, evolution, and transmission channels. Combining insights from social psychology and communication studies, we used lexicometric methods to analyze 12,996 articles on "the unemployed" published in the French written press between 2005 and 2022. We found that unemployed people were largely invisible in the media, that they were mostly represented as dehumanizing accounting, political, or welfare program issues rather than as individuals, and that unemployment was mostly framed as an individual concern. When they were visible, which was rare, they were mostly portrayed as perseverant and willing poor men with a strong social norm to work, who took personal responsibility for their situation, saw their unemployment and job search as an individual concern, and tried to find a job by doing (almost) anything possible. In addition, we showed that frames about unemployed people could emerge from both political party leaders in a top-down approach and from mostly liberal and local newspapers in an opposing bottom-up view that reports on the lives of unemployed people. Our findings contribute to the understanding of unemployment stigma and offer opportunities for further research on its consequences.

De nouvelles approches doivent émerger pour faire évoluer les pratiques de conception face à (1) la convergence entre technologies immersives et neuro-adaptative (XR-adaptative) et (2) la prise de conscience croissante des conséquences négatives que les technologies numériques peuvent avoir sur les personnes. Cet état de l'art permet d'identifier les dimensions auxquelles il convient d'accorder une attention particulière pour mieux assurer le bien-être des utilisateurs.

Unemployed people constitute a stigmatized group. They are perceived as lazy hucksters who could find a job if they just really tried. The aim of the present work was to identify mechanisms underlying this negative perception of unemployment in the context of intergroup relationships. Specifically, we focused on the influence of meritocratic beliefs on the tendency to attribute unemployment to the unemployed individuals themselves. In three experimental studies, participants had to explain the situation of a person presented either as ‘working’ or as ‘looking for a job’. Before this task and in an ostensible unrelated study, meritocratic beliefs were measured. Results showed that participants high in meritocratic beliefs explained unemployment less externally and more internally than participants low in meritocratic beliefs. Interestingly, these differences in causal attributions between high and low meritocratic believers appeared specifically for unemployment in Studies 1 and 2. Taken together, these results suggest that high meritocratic believers tend to consider that unemployed individuals are responsible for their unfortunate situation and have only themselves to blame. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement .

Given the current interest in social participation, this article focuses on existing measures that (1) include the four dimensions of formal social participation - breadth, intensity, duration, and engagement - identified by Bohnert et al. (2010) and (2) can be used in large-scale surveys. In Study 1, a scoping review conducted on three databases (PsychTest, PsychInfo, Sociological abstracts) identified 99 articles that included at least one measure of formal social participation. No measure met our two requirements. We therefore decided to design a new measure, which included an index based on six items to assess the four dimensions of the construct. Using clustering techniques, Study 2 identified social participation profiles based on the responses of 4,160 participants. Five clusters of social participation emerged: (0) absence, (1) passive, (2) low active, (3) medium active and (4) high active. Study 3 replicated these findings with a new sample (n = 3,956), thereby supporting the quality and replicability of the social participation measure by clustering. Coded as an ordinal categorical variable, the score lends itself to statistical analyses commonly performed on large-scale survey data. In this way, the Social Participation Index could meet the need for a standard tool that can be used in a multidisciplinary way.

This research project aims to promote ethical principles among designers engaged in adaptive-XR by providing tools for self-assessment. We introduce a Design-Based Research (DBR) methodology to build bRight-XR, a framework including a heuristic evaluation matrix and based on learning theory.

Previous research has shown that unemployed people bear a stigma that builds on the stereotype of "the unemployed" and is associated with many adverse individual and collective outcomes. Several studies have described their stereotype and compared it to other groups, but none has done so using the dimensions and facets of the most recent integrated framework of stereotypes. In Study 1 among university students (n = 241), we show that unemployed people are rated lower than employed people on the horizontal and the vertical dimensions of their stereotypes, as well as on the facets of capacity, assertiveness, morality and friendliness. In addition, we also show that unemployed people are also rated the lowest when compared to a high-high occupation (firefighters) and a low-low occupation (railroad workers). In study 2, we replicate and extend these findings with university students (n = 193) and show that unemployed people are also blatantly dehumanized when compared to the same target of employed people and to the same high-high and low-low occupations. In Study 3, we show that vocational integration workers (n = 123) also rate unemployed people lower than employed people on the horizontal and the vertical dimensions, as well as on the capacity, assertiveness and friendliness facets but not on morality. Overall, we conclude that unemployed people have a highly destructive stereotype that is lacking in every dimension and facet, that they are overly despised and that unemployment is so disregarded that not having a job is considered worse than having a devalued job.

The increasing number of Social Network Sites (SNSs) and their changing nature raise the question of why people use them. This research has a twofold objective: first, to develop a motivation scale for using SNSs; second, to compare the motivational SNSs profile of Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat and LinkedIn. Two studies on 364 university students, using exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses, established six motivations: entertainment, social interaction, seeking information, instrumental use, self-documentation and self-enhancement. Regressions then examined the association between motivations for using SNSs, social influence measures (descriptive and injunctive norms), and frequency of use of Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat, and LinkedIn. The results showed that social norms complement the motivations to use SNSs. Twitter use was associated with an information-seeking SNSs motivational profile. LinkedIn, Facebook, and Instagram were associated with self-documentation on SNSs. Snapchat was rather associated with instrumental motivations on SNSs. However, while all SNSs were associated with descriptive norms, only Facebook and LinkedIn were associated with injunctive norms (i.e., peer pressure). The results are discussed by applying a cross-media perspective to new motives behind SNSs use.